State's Advocate

              B STATE'S ADYOCAT
LET OUR PUBLIC MEN " BE JUDGED BY THEIR MEASURES,"—Crawford.
Vol. III.
MI LTOiN, NORTHUMBERLAND COUN TY, (PA,) THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 10, 18S8,
No, 21.
oniNTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY
jf'TfVEED Sf i:. H KIJVCAID,
Ifo whom all letters on business relative to Ike office, and communications fur the piipi'r, must be addressed, post paid.
TERMS.—Two dollars per annum., livable half yearly in advance, exclusive ,t'{»i)stage. No paper discontinued unlit irn-arasijes are paid, except at the option
(be Editors.
FOR  PRESIDENT
IjOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
RICHARD RUSH.
ennsylvania Electoral Ticket.
S John Reed S
Jabriel Heister jCiiarles Penrose' ki)bert Kennedy
)!ivid Townseud
^liilip Reed beor^c Schall b'illiaui Walls beorc^e Dennison Willirtoi Wilson Julin Reed
'onrad Bueher Jeremiah Kendall
rftocis M'Clure lolui Lobinger
** Samuel Wetherill S Samuel Dale «, Pierce Crosby S Jacob Goodhart S Georo;e Raush ^ George Weber S Dan'l Montgomery 5 James S. MitcheH' S John Hershberger ^ Henry Black S Thomas McCall ^ Jacob Mechlin S John Leech
raOM THE UNITED STATES GAZEf TE.
\THE PRESIDEJSTTIAL ELECTIOjY
No. IV. To the People of the United States. Fellow Citizens—Almost every act o' [the present administration, has been con lenuied by its political opponents.
Weare therefore to take il for grant fcd, that if they should succeed in sup ilanling those novv in povver, that as ^s matter of course, they will pursue a pol? uy directly the reverse.
Are  we, fellow citizens, prepared to fe]ian!;e the whole course of our foreigi> Hid domestic policy ?    Wbat is the poh- of the present administration ?     To cultivate peace and friendship with all lations; to improve the internal situation lot' the country, and to protect its domestic [industiy;  to establish treaties of com nierce vpith all nations, upon the basis of perfect   reciprocity.—.To    cherish   ami gradually increase our navy, as the mosi efficient arm of our national defence.
These are some ofthe measures of tht present administration, vvhich, we an- convinced, have the sanction and support ofthe great body of the people. What then have we to gain by a change ? If the opposition were to succeed in sup- }ilantiDg those now in povver, tbe greatest proof which tbey could give of their wis¬ dom, vvould be, to pursue tbe same mea¬ sures which they now condemn. Bui what security have we, that they would adopt so wise a course ? Fellow eitizens, ou.' country now is respected abroad and tranquil at home. We are now contented and happy, and in vulgar parlence, we bad better " let well enough alone." SIMON SNYDER.
matters of course—and followed each ofh.!r iu quick succession. You have nut yet erected the guillotjae—aod, at pres¬ ent, you vvould shudder at tbe thought of using it, if you bad. But you appear to be governed, iu al least a portion of your conduct, by a kindred spii it, that I much fear may lead to its employment. To promote the unhallowed and selfish views of factious ambition, you endeavour to destroy, (and it seems to be without re¬ morse,) the character and reputation of iinofferidinsf " old men"" and their families: —and when character and reputation are ajone, life becomes of liltk value. Thus situated, fhe good man and tbe patriot would smile at the sight of the execulion- Kr and his axe, as a relief frora misery & persecution, aud as the sure road to pos- Ihumous fame.
You, gentlemen, inflated with povver And panting  fur more, may make li,s;ht af these things—or, you may exclaim ''is ihy   servant a dog, that be  should   do ihem :" you " know not what manner of persons you are."   Men seldom become profligate and depraved, morally or polit- u-aliy, at onee, but advance step by step —and if I do not misjudge, your progress in political depravity has been rapid in¬ deed.    I know that the course pursued in relation   to me,   and many  others,   has leeu in strict accordance with  the Jack¬ son system of policy.    1 know, likewise, that you are not tbe prime movers in lay¬ ing the scheme, or iu organizing the sys 'em of operations—hut you have become the willing; instruments in tbe  hands of those who were.    The plot, or rather the conspiracy, vvas laid at the city of Wash¬ ington, l)j:^ daring, intelligent, but unprin- <iipled men—many of whom  had previ Misly   been bitter and tleadly  enemies iK>th personally and politically, but who impelled  by a common  passion, on this u'easion, like Herod and Pontius Pilate •ihook hands  in apparent friendship.    I know them well.     The grand object was lo displace those in power, should they, ts one of the leaders profanely expressed t, " be as pure as the angels at the rigbi iftnd of God." and occupy their stations. This was a desperate object, and means equally despe'^ate were necessary to ils ac '•omphshinent. "* The conspirators had no 'leart-love for Jaekson—and they knew, full well, ihrtl   he vvas totally unfit, by 'latiits, temper and  education, for the of- fire of president.     But  he  bad  military lame, and the pbrensied war feelings of 'he nation had not entirely subeided. Hfl' had, by a strange comkination of circum¬ stances, at the previous election, received •i plurality ofthe votes ofihe electors for the oflice—hut, above all, they bad seen ihat   Pennsylvania, poor Pennsylvania! (1 hlush to record it,) had quietly submit¬ ted to be  handed over  and transferred, with little ceremony as a southern plant¬ er transfers his negroes and cotton fields, from Calhoun to Jackson.    This was de¬ cisive io bis favour—and he was selected to bead the faction.   Thus organized, the ueeess of their plans were known to de¬ pend exclusively upon how far they could induce tbe honest yeomanry of the coun¬ try to reject what was true, and believe what vvas false—and, agreeable to tbis
FROM THE PENN. INTELLIGENCFR.
NO. n.
To the members of the legislature of Penn¬ sylvania.
Gentlemen—Having in a former let¬ ter, frankly, hut, as I trust, respectfully, detailed to you tbe base conduct of the mercenary wretch whom you have select¬ ed as your public printer, and for whose good behaviour you are impliedly aceoun table—and having convicted him, by thi evidence of one of your own body, of thi grossest slanders and vilest falsehood?" it cannot be expected that I should again, under any provocation, honour this wan- ,ton and convicted libeller with a diree notice.
But to you, gentlemen, I have more ti say—and permit me, at the outset, to as sure you, that what I shall say will no have been dictated by a sentiment of per sonal hostility, indulged or felt towards an individual among you. You will re collect, that you are tbe aggressors, and that every act on my part is purely de fensive. You must not, thererore com¬ plain, should I carry on a defensive war iiy ojfensit'e operations.
I vvas industriously engaged in tbe dis charge of important publie duties, thai required my undivided attention,    I had not attended any of the political meetings of tbe state—my name   was  not to   lie found on the lists of administration com miltee-men in Pennsylvania. It is, never tbeles9, true. I was not a neutral—tbe bat in the fable—nor was I astride of th( fence—nor had I crawled over the fence in search of popularity and oflice.    But I had exercised the right of private judgf ment. I had, on all proper occasions, sait that I considered General Jackson totally mfit for the presidency—and this, undei Uie new order of things, vvas considered ^y you as an unpardonable offence, and 'l"ite sufficient to induce you to order my 'lame to be placed on your proscription list.
This was in the true Robesperian style To poseribe, accuse iind eondeoin, were
cial  obligation,  you   are determined to seize the piize.    And hence il wa», that about forty of you, wb« were members of the Jackson convention, reiterated in your address the f»ut char3;e3 of corruption- proven to he false,  positively and, nt^ga lively—and, to cap the climax of y^ur in justice aud fully, you declare thesi^ false and unfounded charges '• to be so wpU es tabiished, as to have become a partbf the history of our country."   Shame, jvhere is ihy blush 2    Conscience, vvhere is tby sting! j
You have already been told, tlat at your last session you abused your rusts, aod squandered tbe public money Worse than uselessly, by printing and distribu¬ ting, at the public expense, tbe nio^ a- bominable libels against the innocent and unofl^ding. I now repeat it, and atand prepared to prove the fact in a couit of justice. Yopr bill for postage, taken out ofthe public treasury, amounted to about! 3000 dollarsf-and the bill of a singll member, a mi^t ardent and devoted frien^ ofthe *' hero^' to gl89 72—upwards d sixty-three days compensation as a legi^- iaior ! Thi4, iperhaps, would not haVe been Coroplaiued of, had the money be^n expended in the promulgation of fdcts and truth—but these were carefully lup pressed, whilst falsehood and error were dealt out with no sparing hand. You were severally sworn to '*^discharge the duties of a representative, with fidelity," and you had pledged youfselves, on the adoption ofthe franking resolution, to give the people the worth of their money iu facts and useful information. Why did you not redeem this solemn pledge Along with the testimony furnished by Mr. Clay to prove bis innocence, were two statements, one from Gen. Lafayette, tbe olber from Col. Thomas H. Benton, (the latter a violent Jaekson mau.) Sure¬ ly you might have ventured to give to your constituents these proofs, even if you had have questioned others. No, this would have heen ruinous to your new sys¬ tem of policy—tliey might have believed the truth—and this vvas opposed to the course which had been ehalk'd out for you by the conspirators at Washington cily.
Some of you are high and distinguished militia ofiieers—and the militia is the " bulwark ofthe nation." Evidence was recently published by the authority of eongress—very unwilling on the part of the majority, I admit—showing that, at one feU-«wi»np, no iesa^than six militia men bad bet-n shot lo death by order of Gen. Jackson, after their time of service had expired—and the evidence most com¬ pletely and conelusively proves, that they were unlawfully shot. Why did you not order these awful and appalling facts to be published a.nd franked for tbe infor¬ mation of your constituents? No! you dare not do it. Had you given these facts a circulation as extensive as you did your calumnies, the idol at whose shrine you worship, would have fallen like Da- gon, never tj rise.
At the very commencement of your late session, the black-lettered list of proscription vvas made out. The first victim was Henry W. Snyder, the vvorthy
arrangement, yoor operations have beenjson of tbe late venerated governor Sny carried on. der.      He  vvas assistant clerk of the se-
We find, after  George Kremer hadjnate, and,had inherited tbe integrity and made public his  charge against .iSfZamSjfirmness of bis father, and claimed tbe
and Clay, and had, been brought to tbe bar of publie enquiry, slunk away with discomfiture and disgraee, the same charge of " bargain and sale." " bribery ^nd corruption," is revived by Jackson himself—not openly and publicly, but co¬ vertly and by stratagem. But by much ¦niinceuvering. he is forctd by a concaten- ution of circumstances almost providen- lial, to adduce his evidence in proof of ihe facts—and then we find his own wit ness, {Buchanan) acquitting the accused, • nd bringing home to the magnanimous •" hero of two wars," a palpable violation •>f Ihe divine precept, " neither shalt thou hear false witness against thy neighbour." And here we find the refinement of the new system These distinguished men [Adams and Clay.) bad been charged with the blackest crimes ; hut their innocence lad been proved by the conspirators' own witness. Nevertheless, a thousand press¬ es and ten thousand longues proclaim their guilt, and ery out, crucify ! crucify ! or let the accused prove their innocence ! Unjust, inhuman, and unprecedented as this demand was. Mr. Clay promptly ac¬ ceded to it—and perhaps, in a few cases ever presented to the public consideration was the negative more satisfactorily pro¬ ven, or the innocence of the accused more triumphantly established. In this result, »vpry good man, with charitable feelings, «:hnnid have rejoiced—and you, gentle¬ men, would. 1 feel confident, have done xo, had it been the case of a neighbour •barged, but acquitted, of petit larceny. Rut the case was widely different, because the accused was a higlily gifted, honour^ able and distinguished man, whose whole lite, almost, had been spent in the service ofthe republic, and who had rendered to Pennsylvania the most valuable services. " Jackson, right or wrong," was your motto—yoor eyes were placed npon a throne—its glittering honours dazzled your sight, and, reckies» of moral and to-
common right of every freeman, to think for himself. This, under the Jackson code, together with his standing and tbat of his family, constituted a species of treason against the idol—and be was pu¬ nished and dishonoured for his temerity, to tbe full extent of your power. To add insult to injustice, some of you descend¬ ed to the meanness of slandering your victim after he vvas out of your clutches. This was a new species of homage to tbe idol ; and, as the players say, " was re¬ ceived with unbounded applause !"
Tbe next victims that followed in course, vvere your old and well tried de¬ mocratic printers. With these you made short work, considering them merely as a species of sans-culottes, or canaille not deserving of much eonsideration.— They were rejected for their honesty and independence—and a mercenary hireling substituted in their place, well fitted for the dirty vvork in vvhich you hud deter¬ mined to engage. Then follows the ce lebrated case of the state tl-easurer, Wil¬ liam Clark. This gentleman was ad vanced in years, and ha^, by a long course of upright and faithful conduct, in private life, and in publie office, esta blished a character for usefulness and purity that few men in Pennsylvania ever obtained, and nqne better deserved. Tbis gentleman had on a former ocea¬ sion, like thousands beside, gone on with the Jackson crowd in 1824. But, when the result was known, and Mr. Adams fairly and constitutionally elected—when his cabinet was formed, and tbe course of his administration marked out—when tbe foul and false charges made against him had recoiled with overwhelming force upon his enemies—when his inno cence and their guilt had been conclu
pendent and patriotic citizens of our country—it was then Mr. Clark left tbe '* hero's" standard. He preferred peace aud good order lo discord and confusion —and be had the manly firmness to say 80-—not in chamber whispers, but openly and fairly. But nn this as upon all other occasions, Mr. Clark expressed his opi¬ nions with temperance and moderation — nor has the tongue of slander ever dared to impute to this man a selfish, sordid, or impure motive in forwarding the cause of Jackson and the conspirators. The indulgence of those motives would have induced him either lo have reniained si¬ lent or have went with you, the majority, '• to do evil." But, for this modest avow al of bis sentiments, and for this alone, you have, at a critical juncture, deprived tbe state ofthe services of one oi its most useful, experienced and efficient officers. Nor is tbis the darkest feature in thi« case, in relation to your conduct. A few days previous to the election, you, in writing, requested him to say explicitly whether be would or would not vote foi Jackson. Had you considered him a Jacksonite the question would have been unnecessary. But you knew he was not —and bad bis answer been in the affirm alive, and upon this pledge you bad elect¬ ed him, all concerned would have been equally involved in guilt and crime').— you for offering, and Clark for accepting tbe bribe. If, to escape the dilemna, you avow the design of eliciting from him a negative answer, this precludes the ne¬ cessity of asking tbe question at all— and to have rejected him when tbis ne¬ gative answer had been given, would have discovered a species of moral de¬ pravity similar to that displayed hy Po tipbar's wife in charge against Joseph. His incorruptible virtue bad near proved his ruin—you would have destroyed the man whom you had in vain attempted to seduce. There is hut one rational way of accounting for your motives and con- duet in relation to Mr. Clark—and I pity you from my soul when I mention it— fifty years will not throw tbe mantle of oblivion over tbis foul transaction.
You approached Mr. Clark under thf treacherous guise of friendship—you beld the olive branch in one baud aod a concealed dagger in the other. You of¬ fer him a bribe to corrupt him, without any view of fulfilling your promise or of bestowing the expected reward. You had marked your victim for destruction, asd were determined, if possible, to makt^ him the author of his own ruin—the bet ter way, you thought, to prevent the ope ration of publie sympathy, and to over throw bis character and influence—and. in tbis, you lost all regard for your owm characters—you abandoned all princi¬ ples of morality and justice. Tbe divine adage, " lead us not into temptation," vvas unheeded by you, and the denuncia¬ tion, " cursed is he that presents tbe cup to bis neighbour's lips," was, in like manner) passed by with reckless indiffer¬ ence. And for what purpose did you make this mighty sacrifice of conscience, religion and morality P Why did you eventually immolate an old man, a faith¬ ful servant, a consistent republican, that you found loo wise to be ensnared, and too honest to be corrupted ? It was not from personal dislike—this man had no personal enemies. No, it was because you bad, at the instigation of the conspi¬ rators, at Washington city, voluutariiy chained yourselves to the car of •' the mi¬ litary chieftain," and still continue in the harness, and like tbe steeds of Phse- ton, (the Jackson of fabulous history,) you have taken tbe bit in your teeth, and are plunging on to your ovvn ruin, ant! that of your country.
And will nothing, gentlemen, arrest your mad, wild, and tlesperale career . ^ Let me conjure you to hold in a moment, while I attempt to reason with you. Sup¬ pose you should succeed, by the onrigh- teous means adopted, in the election of gen. Jackson—suppose farther, (and it is wbat you v\'ish, and some of your lead¬ ing prints have avowed it.) that you ef¬ fect the rejection of our present mild, in¬ telligent, and peace loving governor, and substitute one of your own choosing, of fhe real Jackson stamp, vvho can " dwell with complacency on scenes of blood and carnage," in and out of our capitols, and courts of justice—and that you se¬ cure the whole patronage of tbe general and state governments. Suppose all this for a moment—will you then sleep on beds of rases ? Will not your pernicious examples be followed by others ? Will not the same means by which you shall have obtained povver be resorted to hy other factionists ? And will not you be annoyed and disturbed in the possession of your ill acquired povver and patron¬ age .f* Have you not read, that the dag¬ ger Callippus, designed for the heart of another drank the blood of his ovvn ; and that the inventor of the guillotine was made a head shorter by tbe very machine he designed for the exclusive use of o- thers ? •
In your struggle to obtain office and
sively established—when he diseoveredi povver, and to eject those in possession, that the ringleaders in tbis plot were as-iyon will have furnished the instruments piring to destroy the reputation, charae-jof self destruction.     When you   attain
proscribed, deuouneed and accused, con¬ demned without, or against evidence ; will you, for yoursel /es, dare to invoke tfie juslice you have cruelly withheld and are still withholdig from others . • Rely on it, there will be no mistake—" with whatsoever measure you mete, the same shall be measured to you again." En¬ couraged by your success, and fortified by your example, the measure of retribu¬ tive justice will be hurled upon your heads vvith redoubled force and violence. The government, gentlemen, can only be sustained by preserving mutual confi¬ dence oetween the people and their ru- ers—and by the exercise of charity, for¬ bearance, moderation and good will a- mong ourselves. These are the political and moral ligatures that bind us together as one people—and these you seem de¬ termined to cut asunder, regardless of all consequences. I am anxious, gentle¬ men, tbat you should think seriously upon these important subjects, and take a retrospective view of your past eon- duet. If I have by the honest freedom ¦•f my remarks, given you offence, I re¬ gret sincerely the occasion that has ren¬ dered thera necessary—and I desire yoa tn bear carefully in mind, tbat I have, so far, acted only on the defensive.
A. LACOCK.
Spring Dale, May 28lh, 2628.
ter and standing of the most useful, inde- your  object^ will yoU, hereafter,  vvhen
From the Pennsylvania Gazette. We have before us a very interesting report of " The Liverpool Bast India As- >iociation on the subject of the trade with India." It treats ofthe American com¬ meree with China, thus—^
« On the average of tbe first years of the Ameriean commerce, down to the year 1800, their annual exportalions of tea did not exceed ;2,735,090 lb. On the average of the three fir«t years of their renewed intercourse with China, after their last war vvith Great Britain, they exported 8,607,173 lb. yearly. On the average of the years 1824 aod 1825, their xports bad increased to 13,314<,4<4'3 lb.
" The exports of the .Americans from China, it will be seen hy this, have in¬ creased iu 25 years 387 per cent. Those ''»f the East India Company, in the same iime, have increased ouly 33 per cent.; indeed, for the greater part of the time^ they have been stationary or retrogra¬ ding.
" Excepting that to Great Britain and Canada, the East India Company have no trade from China tb any other coun¬ try whatsoever. The Americans earry in a trade from thence to the continent of Kurope, to South America, to the Philip¬ pine, and to Sandwich Islands, which to the three last countries is increasin<i' year after year j so tbat the extent of it^ at its Chinese valuation, amouuted in 1825 to 229,5051. In the year 1805 the whole imports ofthe Americans into Chi¬ na, amounted to 740,795/. In 1825 they rose to l,62G,082f, and their exports >»eing 1,823,442, made their vvhole Chi¬ nese trade 3,443,604/.
"The export trade of the Bast India Company, from Europe to China, haa long been stationary. On the average of the six years, ending with 1820, it a- mounted annually, at^its Chinese valua- tiouj to 1,491,173 ; their average yearly exports^ from their Indian territories to China^ amounted, in the sanie period, also at the Chinese prices, to 368,52t/j making their total imports into China I,* 859,694. Excluding, of course, remit- ance of territorial revenue in merchan¬ dize, which is not trade, their exports from China may be taken at the same imotint as the imports, which will make heir whole Chinese commerce S,7ig,388.
" With a population of 22,700,000, aod fifter an intercourse of 150 years stand¬ ing, our trade is but 8 per eent. greater ihan that ofthe Americans—with less than half of our population—with not one half of our taste for tbe great staple of Chinese export—and with so compa¬ ratively recent a knovvledge of tbe Chi¬ nese trade. When we go a little farther into the matter however, vve shall find that the profitable and effectual trade of the Americans is much greater than that ofthe East India Company.
" The Elast India Company laid before the Trade Committee of the Lords, ia 1820 and 1821, a statement of their ex¬ ports from Great Britain to China, for a period of twenty-six years, commencing with their last charter. In the first year of tbeii^ statement, their exports, consist¬ ing of woollens and metals^ amounted to 731,550/.; in the last year of the last charter, there was an increase upon this of 60 per cent.
" Of the eight years of the present eharter, of whieh an account is exhibited, there is, with one inconsiderable excep- lioUj a decrease of exports year after year; and in the last year of the 8t>ite-; nient they are less by 15 1-2 per cent, than tbey were 25 years before. Upon 15 successive years there is a heavy loss sustained ; and out of 26 years, three only exhibit a profit, and thi« i» a very trifiing one; In the vvhole period the loss sustained is i,66S.103^. wbieb is of course so much of the national capital wasted and destroyed*"
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