Marietta Pioneer

              MAmmTA PIONEISli
VOL. II.
••TO KAVOR THE AnVASCE.MEWT OF SCIESCE aXD THE DIFFUSION OF I .NFOBM \TI01I, AS THE BEST ALIMENT TO Tnts LIBERTT." Mddii
NO. 40.
Br A. B. ac R. X. GROSH,
SoiUh-Oeiit turner oj tlie .Market .•^i/uurc.
MARIETTA, (PA.) FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1828^
iSS^
addrp:ss
f{y ihe Anti-Jackson Convention,  Fa.
ro THE PEOPLE OF VIRGI.VI.^:—¦
Having been delegated, by those xvho oppose tlie election of Andrew .l.icjtsou, as president of the U. .States, iiiii havin;; asseinl-Ied in the city of liicliinoiiil, pursuatit to our appoint- uu'nt, and formed an electoral ticket, wc feel it due to our-i-lvcs, to those who
AT $2 PER ANNUM,
Puyablt'tv fly Su .Mnniht; ill udrance
and Mr. Clay had been withdrawn from the canvass, and the contest had been single-handed between General Jackson and Mr. Adaois, the election would have resulted as it has done, in the choice of Mr. Adams.
But this is not the light in which this qu-stion deserves consideration. The minds of the people ought not to be influenced by such extraneous con- deputed u., and to our country, to sub- i '^'d^^^ations-aiid above all, the princi- mit a brief exposition of our views, on jj'^^'^ our constitution ought not t« ti.e verv interesting subject which has,*^ abused, by admUt.ng, for a moment, broo^rht u, together. I'j^^L^J.'f ^plurahty^ofv^otes given   to
It is no ordinary occasion, which at <¦ is inclement Season of the year, has b.Mught so many ol us from our busi- ;m^3 and our homes. We believed that t '.e dearest interests of our country xvere at stake, that her character, her ])i'ace and happineos, and even tlie per¬ manence of her free institutions, were in peril. We feared the most perni- c'.'t'is consequences trom the election oi" Gen. Jackson, and we have come to c.irisult about the means of averting iliis calainitv from our country. We b'.'lleve that the only m-^an*^ of ofTi-ct- inn; this great objtirt. is the re-election of fcbc pre>icnt Cliief .Muititrate, and have formed }»ii electoral ticket for that purpose, whKii we earnfostly recnm- mead to the support of the people of V.r'xinia.
We know that many of you strongly di.iipprove some of the leaduig meas¬ ures of the present administration— 'luve not contidoMce in it, and would b'.i excoedin'ilv unwilliM!; to sanction ti;e principles of construction applied bv the present chief m.ij:i''lrate to the oiistitutiori of the V. States, lint v c do not perceive, in these circumstan ces, any suflicient roason for withhold in;; your sup[)ort from the ticket we h;ive recommended.   We ourselves an'
General Jackson, should have govern ed the choice of the bouse of repre¬ sentatives. We do not mean to say, that a proper respect for the wiishes of the nation, fairly ascertained, ought not always to be observed by its rep¬ resentatives. But we do say, that the present chief magistrate holds his seat, by the will of the people of the United States regularly expressed, in the only way in which an expression of that will has any authority. They have willed in the most solemn firm—in the form of a constitution, wliich they de*- clare shall be the supreme law of the land—that a plurality of votes shall not constitute an election-, that wlien there is such plurality, the representa¬ tives shall elect, voting by states—• thus withdrawing from the people that equality of intluence which is given them in the first vote, and transferring it to the states, ia th** second.—This provision in our constitution i» in the true sjiirit witich pervades the whol.* of it. and which niarks it the result of a coiifi rence between states, surren¬ dering in part, and retaining in part, their political equity.—Shall this spir¬ it be appealed from, on every occasion in whieh it wa» intended to soothe and conciliate, and the spirit of faction be
. , ., ,-    ,      AIM-!     iiivoked, to expose our macistrates to
rot ajircod uiion tliese si;l)iect9.    \Vlwt.-       •    ..       •    i- *^ i  u ¦    " ¦    ^¦
" ' •• ' an ust prejudice, and bring our insti-
fint": disapprove thesp measures, want confidence in the administration, and an? unwilliujr to sanction the principles <d construction adopted by the presi-' ri.'nt—most of us approve the general ruurse of the administration, have <(»ntif'ence in its virtue, its patfiotism, iu wisdom, and see iiothin;; to condemn i'l the president's interpretation of the ^ ftfb'ral constitution. Yet we do not discuss ainona; ourselves, and we will II It discuss before vou, the grounds of this ditrerenre. We waive such dis¬ cussion, as wholly inappropriate—and postpone it to tlie time, when there mav he som? choice, idfered us, that Plight he ifffluencfMl by it. Now there IS none such. We are loft to the al- •crnativp of choosing between Jackson ;;nd Adams:—md however we may dif- f r in opinion as to the merits of the 1 ;tti'r, wc !u»art;!v ronrur in giving him a decided preference over his comnet- ii )i-. The meas'ires which some dis- jiri')rove in the present administration. :i UI!! Would hope to see amended, un- .li r that of (len. Jackson—the distrust \'.\ the pn's.Mit cliipf ma'iistratr, enter- viined by some, is Inst in the compar- •. vri with that wliich all feel in his' ' ''iipilitor-and Ihc uodbtitution which '.!¦ would preserve iVoni the too liberal .'Mt-rprefation ol Mr. Adams, we would M'l more xealou.sly defend against the "l.'s'roving hand of his rival.
NVhik', however, we decline a dis- ( U'siou of those subjects, on which we (liTer in opinion, and |)retermit any ut'iieral vindication of the chief ma- ^.I'-trate, his cabinet, or his measures, V'^'. cann it pass unnoticed some tiipics cmnected with the List election, and s '.lie acts of tiie administration, in rc- l.if.un to which, we think tiie public u.iud has been greatly abused.
T!ie friends of (icn. Jackson have ' i.nhden'lv held him up, as t!ie favor- i'l of tlie people—have insisted that, 1 . tlic last ele.-tion, his plurality of •».i'es proved him to be the choice of re nation, and have bitterly complain- • d that //u/f choice was improperly dis- .inpointed by the representatives iu C'.i'mress.
Nover was there a more direct ap- P''tl to those prejudices and passions, i» lnch,oii all occasions, the ^ood should «:;>dain. and the wise *hould repress; ':'ver was a cnniplaint more utterly ungrounded- and never one more char- .trtcristic of that disregard for the con- s-itution, which has been manifested (lU more occasions ilran one, when its provisions stood in the way of Gener- n! .lackson's march.
Whether Gen. Jackson is the people^s lavorite, is to be tested by the event, n.it assumed as the basis of the pend- i;i- election. That his plurality of v.i'eg proved him to be the choice of t!ie nation at the last election, we con¬ fidently denv. It may, perhaps, he found, upon examiuatiou, that, while tieneral Jackson had a plurality of electoral votes, Mr. .\daras had a plu-
tutions into discredit.-—These things are rovolutioijary in their tendency, and ought to be discouraged.
Of like character is the complaint aeainst the Kentucky delegation, for disreganling th« instructions of their legislature. We have too much res¬ pect for the legislature of Kentucky to "suppose, that they meant to bind^tlie delegation by an instruction. We can only suppose that thoy meant to fur¬ nish the best information in their pow¬ er, of the opinions of the people, on a question which had nover been sub¬ mitted to them. Such information Was entitled to the respect due to intelli¬ gent opinion, and no more. It was not the constitutional or;;an throu::h which thv* will of the people was to be con¬ veyed to the representative. The re- presentaiives in coa;:ress were direct¬ ly responsible to their cons!ituents, not the legislature. And an attempt of the legislature to control the imme¬ diate rcpresi'ntatives of the people, would be a usurpation upon the rii;hts of the people^ an act, which, instea'd of deservini; obedience, or even re¬ spect, required resistance and even reprobation, 'i'iie f.iithful representa¬ tive will obey the instructions of his constituents whenever constitutionally given.—He will pay a respectful at- t-ntion to their wishes, and every evidence of their wishes. But, when not bound by instruction, he will look bevond the imperfect evidences of their will, informally conveyed; he will rest upon the conclusions of his own mind, formed from the best lights he can obtain; will consult his coun- trv"'s good, and firmly meet the respon¬ sibility of those acts, he deeins proper for its attainment. This we believe the Kentucky delegation did. They were not instructed——they did not chose to shelter themselves from re¬ sponsibility, under the cover of a legislative recommendation; consult¬ ing their^own judgments, they prefer¬ red the man they thought most capable uf advancing the interest of his coun¬ try; and there is no question, that Virginia then concurred in the opinion and approved the act.
This vote, which if honestly given, is an affair chiefly between the repre¬ sentative and his constituents, would not have been obtruded on your atten¬ tion, had it not been connected with a charge of grave import, made upon the purity of the election, impeaching the integrity of the chief magistrate of the nation, and the first member in his cabinet. This charge, in its strongest form, imports that a^ the last election, the vote of the Kentucky delegation was in the market, for the" highest bid¬ der,—that it was offered to one candi¬ date, and being refused by him, was sold to the other,—and that the con¬ sideration of the vote was the office of secretary ot state, bestowed on Mr. Clav.    if  this were  true, we  should
rality  of \-oJ«'at the p»lls; and we   not hesitate to affirm^hat it stamps in- ue conaJent, that it Mr. Crawtord^famj gn the characters of the gudty,
and renders them forever unworthy of public trust.
This charge, not so strongly, how- ever, as has been here stated, was made for the first time, pending the presidential election. It was prompt¬ ly met, and challenged by Mr. Clay, and deserted by its supporters. They rallied again, after the election, gave it a form somewhat varied, drew to its aid some imposing circumstances, and. at last, gave it the public sanction of General Jackson's name. Mr. Clay again publicly denied, called for the proof, and challenged inquiry. No proof has appeared to sustain it, no in¬ quiry has been instituted, and now, in all its phases, it stands renmbated, by a body ofproof, so strong andso convin¬ cing as to require from the least chari¬ table, its open disavowal, aod from the most suspicious, a candid acknowl¬ edgment, ^hat thev have done injustice in even thinking it probable.
It may not be unworthy of notice, as one of the means by which the public mind has been prejidiced and infla¬ med, that opinions, the most offensive to a repiddican people, have been un warrantably and uiic.Tididly inferred from some ofthe president's communi¬ cations to Congress, and gravely impu¬ ted to him as doctrines in his political creed. lie has, on one occasion, not perhaps with strict rhetorical proprie¬ ty, u«eH the expression, " palsied by the will of our cun.siitnents"*—in refer ence to duties enjoined by the consti- tion.
This phrase has been torn from its context, misinterpreted, and used as the authority upon wiiichthe president is charged with the heresy, that a rep¬ resentative owes no obligation to the will ot his constituents. On another occasion, incautiously taking it for granted that every one would under¬ stand that the high obligation of an oath was derived from heaven, he has a'j:ain. perhaps, without much felicity of phrase, made an obvious, though not avowed reference to his oath of office, as imposing an obligation above all hu¬ man law—and this reference is tortu¬ red into a public avowal ofthe odious doctrine, that his political power was Jure dlvi}io. If these ha^ been the taunts and the railinij of ah6nvmon>< newspaperjscrib!)lers. ther would have been deemed unworthy of this public notice. But when such charges are seriously made and reiterated, by men holding high stations in the govern¬ ment, and cxercisins: some influence over public opinion, they cannot be too strongly condemned. • Mr. .\dams, it is said, is friendlv to a regulation of the tariff of duties, with a view to the cncoura2;ement of .Vmerican manufactures, and it is clam- oroiislv uri:ed airainst him, as a serious objection, by those who support the e- lection of General Jackson.
This objecti(m seems to have been treated, before the public, as if Mr. Adams were the founder of a new and odious doctrine, and the father of the measures to which it had given birth. —Nothing can be further from the truth.—Not a single act of the govern¬ ment, on this subject, has its date witiiin his administration. And so far is he from being the founder of tlie doctrine, that it is traced to the earli¬ est and purest times of the republic, avowed and acted upon from the foun¬ dation «d' the government, when the father of his country presided over its ^ destinies. Before "the adoption of the federal constitution, the power of reg¬ ulating commerce, and imposing duties on import-:, belonged to the state gov¬ ernments; and s Jch of them as deemed it expedient, so regulated their tariff of duties as to give encouragement to their manufacturers. The constitution transfered to the federal government, by express provision, the power of regulating commerce, and of imposing duties. An act, passed at the first session of the first congress, held un¬ der the constitution, advocated by James Madison, and signed by Georse Washington, on the 20th of July, 1789 containsthe first tariff of duties on imported goods laid by the general government, and its preamble recites, that it was " necessary for the support of government, for the diicharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection ofman- ifactures:^ This doctrine was acted upon, by every succeeding adminis- trahon,*bv the elder Adams, by Jef¬ ferson, by'Madison, and Monroe. The policy of protecting and encouraging manufactures was recommended by them all; the tariff was increased from time to time, with a view to that ob¬ ject; and yet, n« champion of the con¬ stitution, though many and bold and able there were, always at their posts, ever challenged the authors of these measures^ as iijvaders of constitutional
ground; until, during the administra¬ tion of the last president, when the fathers of the constitution, having most of them retired fnun the field of action, a member fromVirginia sugges¬ ted, in congress, the want of constitu¬ tional power to give protection to manufactures.
On this question we forbear to en¬ ter the field of argument; and Content ourselves with saying, that the power of Congress to regulate the tariffof du¬ ties, so as to give protection and ep- courageme'it to agriculture, niaaufac tures, commerce, and navigation, can¬ not be dpni"d, without denying to the letter of the con.stitution its plain im¬ ports, and to its spirit its most obvious and essential at^^ributes; without afhr- niinj; that those who have administered the government, from its fnuud itjon to the present dav, have either misunder¬ stood the cii irter of their powers, or wantonly and hatiit'i »lly violated it, wit'iiout coming to the e\tra<»rdinary roncbision, either that a power whicli existed in the state governments, and was trefjnetitlv exercised by them, be- fire the ad'.pt'on of the f'deral consti ti'tion. was annih'l.i'ed by the secret and magical iofiuence of that instru ment, or that such power does not nroporlv pertain to the legislature of any free people.
The exercise of this power is neces¬ sarily refered to the sound discretion of Congress, tobejusMy atid impartial ly employed for the common benefit of all—not to be perverte<l to the purpose of advancing; the interest «f one class of the community, or one part of the country, at the expense of another; and, whatever some of us may think as to its abuses under a former administra¬ tion, or of tlic danger of such abuses under the present, all must concur in the opinion, that the remcdv is uot to br; found in the elction of General Jyrkson; but. if sought at all, should be lookeil for in tlie vi'j:llanre and ex¬ ertions of faithful and able senators and representatives in coni^ress.
The opinions of Mr. .\dams. and his recommendations to cnnsress. in rela¬ tion to intern^.l improvementa, are unpopular fh Virjinia, and have been ur^ed against hint with much earnest ness. and perhaps with some effect, e- ven thoui^h it can»ot. with any rolour of reason, be contended, that his com¬ petitor. Gen. Jackson, is not exposfd to precisely the same objertion. We do not vindicate these opinions, or dis cuss them, because they fall within the interdict we have imposed on ourselves --wediffer in opinion concerning them. Rut we will remind you, that these o- pinions, whatever may be their merit, have produced but few and unimpor tant acts, durins: the present admiuis-  ration: and will avail ourselves of the occasion to appeal to the good sense and jTood feelin<; «>f Virginia, and in¬ voke i's influence in tempering fh«* as¬ perity of par^v politics, and mi securing to every subject of national interest, a deliberate and candid consideration.— We beg leave also to remind them, that the questions of constitutional law. and state policy, conner-ted with this subject, are important, delicate, and of arknriwledged dilTicultv; that there are arraved on either side of them, states- men of approved patriotism and talent, whose opinions stmuld be examined with great consideration, and whose meas'ires, if deemed w-ong. after be ing judged wi'h candor, should be oppo¬ sed vi\*\\ reason, not with passion- xvith firmne**. not with violence—that those among us, who deny the constitutional power, and condemn the policy, •¦honld entitle our doctrines to resnert. bv the fairness cf our views, and the force of our reasoning, and give weight, to our opposition, by its temper and its digni - ty; while those who affirm the power, and approve the policy, should observe the most respectful deference for the opinions of the many and the wise. who differ from them; should consult the public interest and tranquility, by confining their measures to objects of acknowledged and general interest, by infusing into them a spirit ofthe most exact justice; and by observing, in al! things, scrupulous care in the exercise of a power so delicate, and so much controverted.
Thus far, we have endeavoured to correct error and disarm prejudice, that reason might be left free to esti¬ mate fairly the present administration, and its principal measures. We have offered no panegvric on the present chief magistrate—we cheerlullv leave you to estitnate the value of his long and varied public services, his great experience, his talent, his learnng, and his private virtues—^and to *s»»t off a- gainst them, whatever vour fancy or your judgment mav find to blame, in ids private or public life. Whei you have deae this—reflect on the charac*
ter ol the ollice you are about to fill-* inquire what feelings, what temper, what talent, what acquirements, what habits, are best suited to the discharge of his high duties; and then carefulT/ compare John Q. Ad^ms with Andre<t Jacksm, in reference to the great question. Wliich of them is best qual¬ ified for the first office in the nation—  which must likely to preserve to as the distinguished blessings we enjoy—- from which is most danger to be ap¬ prehended to our peace and happincsa, our lives and liberti^ia .^
It is not iu wantonness that wespeak^ but, in tile sadness of our hearts, w» are compelled to declare, that, while we yield our confidence to the present cliief mag s'rate in very different de¬ grees, we ate unanimous and unhesita¬ ting ill tfe opinion that .\ndrew Jack- s I'i is altog?:tiier unfit tor the presi- d.'n.y, and that his election would ba e.ni.iently dangerous; that, while we ciicert'jlly accord to him his full share of the glory whicli renders the anni¬ versary of the 8th of January a day of joy and triuinnh to our land, we must, in the must siletnn manner, protest a- Sainst a claim to civil rule, founded exclu.sively upon military renown; and avow liiat nothing has occured in the hiotory of our country, so much calcu- latetl to sh.^.ke our confidence ia the capacity of the people lor self goveru- •aent, as the efforts which have been made, a\u\ are yet making, to el-^vat© of the first office in the nation,'tbe mau, who, disobeying the orders of his supe¬ riors, trampling on the laws and con¬ stitution of his country, sacriil.m^ the lijerties and lives of meu has made his ;)wn arbitrary w dl the j.ie of his conduct.
In stating an opinion so UBfavorahl© to a d's:ingiii?'ied man, who has r-^n- dered va'n.i'jie services to his country, a proper r spsct for ogrs^-lves and for you rfqjires that wo should declare the reasons which compel us to with- lu>ld our confidence from him.
Capacity for civil aflairs, in a coun¬ try like ours, where toe road to pre¬ ferment is open to merit, iq every class of society, is never loi>g concealed, and seldom left in renremcnt. Geo. Jackson has li\ed b.^yonvl the age of 60 yearn, &. was bred to the p'^; ssion best calculated to improve and display the (acuities which civil employments re¬ quire; bat the history of his public life, lit tti'se employmeuts, is told in a few oriel lines—on a single page ot hia bio¬ graphy. He filled, successively, for very short periods, the cilice of mem« ber of the Tennessee convention, representative and senate in congressj judge of the supreme court of Tennes¬ see; aud again, senator ia congress of the United States. Here was ample opj>«»rtunity for distinction, if ht y%- s :>seJ the talent, tas.', and applica¬ tion, suited for civil iminente I5'jt he res.giied three, and passed tarougli all these stations, ai kaowledgiog his un¬ fitness in two instances—i.ianiiesllj feelinic it in all—and leaving .o si:i}^la ai-i. n.i C'.ace, beliind, which stamp* hi« qaulii!-.i(ions above mediocrity.
For civil government—and in n» ?>tatiuQ more emphatically than in that of president of the United Stale?—a. weli govorne«l temper ia of admitted importance. Gene;;d Jackson's trie ida lament tiie imoetu s; v ot his, and all the world has e^: ',uce of its fi:;rj misrule.
To maintain peace aid 1 armony ia the delicate relaiijn-. existing bei'.v<?ea the goveniuieut of t'le union and tho various state governments m our con¬ federacy, require* a courtesy and ior- bearance in their intercourse, which no passion »hould disturb. Let tlie spirit of domination displayed iu Gen Jack¬ son's celebrated letter to Govtciior Rabun, warn as ofthe danger of cein- mitting to his keeping this precious depusitc—sacred to the uuion cf our republics, and to the freedom of man- k'nd.
Military men should never be allow¬ ed to forget,—that the obligation to o- bev be ng the sole foundation of the authoii'v to cotnmand, they should in¬ culcate subordiuaiioo, not by precept only, but by example—that protoiiad respect for'the laws and '^o(;<itituiioa of their country, is an r'j sicn-able -uaraniee of their worthiir 5- i be en¬ trusted with the swon!. u lict^ l» drawn to defend them,— <  they should l.'se no fit occasion f ¦ manifes- rin- that respect, bv practical illustra- i..', of the principle, sacied m every .veil ordered Republic, which pro- ..... US the military, subordinate to the ,iv-il power,—that mercy ever, to the gu'ltv, and bun.unity alwa>3 to the lcnn(|uered and the captive, are part of the law of God and man, found in ev¬ ery civilized c "'•. written ip e'ery human heart, - •: indispeasubk to tlit- true glory of th^ Hero.