The Colonization herald and general register

              @lje Calonuftttoti
ittii
'ir*'
59
AND GENERAL REGISTER.
CONDUCTED BY   THE   PENNSYLVANIA   AND  NEW YORK   COLONIZATION  SOCIETIES.
WHATSOEVER YE WOULP THAT MEN SHOULP DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM.
Vol. I.—NEW SERIES.
PHILADEl-PniA,  WEDNESDAY,  APUIL   II,   1 8 Ii 8
13.
independent of the power of the majority as he was power which we possess for the accomplishments this
befoie. object. * n.
As we have, therefore, as citizens, no power over I ask, in the next place, was the power oyer the Lhs-
this subject, we have, as citizens, no responsibility, trict of Columbia ceded to Congress, ftr this purpose.
The guilt, if guilt exists, will not rest upon us as citi- ; Did Maryland and Virginia ever anticipate, that, with-
zens of the United States.    Who ever supposes him-  out their consent, this use would be n«de of it .    Did
From WaylancTs Limitations of Human Responsi¬
bility.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
It may be proper, at the commencement of this sec¬
tion, to state, that I propose to enter into no considera-, se|7ffuiltv',be~ca"i"se Congress d'oel not pass aYuw abol-  the southern statesi generally, when they became par-
tion ofthe moral bearings of the institution of domes-   ^j* ^        ._ ^ yJJ.^ gtateB,    But this is tho   tios to ,his cor,tract, suppose that tins power would be
\ic slavery. My views upon this subject, I have already      .   ^_'nner-in w|lich( og citizenBOf the United States", claimed "and" used "by Congress?    I think that all these
.given in another place*    Were it WtwiM stiouUl   we fc__ _ny _ ^ __t ._ ^ o_ jn „ny _th__ c(Ji.e | qUHgljo,1B must be ansWerrd in the negative. It so, the
have no occasion here to examine the question in mm ]f. t|j_^ ^jfa VQ{ reBponsjbip we have, as citizens, right has not, in fact, been unconditional ly given. It
, point of view. With these topics the present discus- __ obli„atiot| to llischar„0 in Uie pnmmm. W hether is a thing out of the contract, so far as the animus of
. sion has nothing to do. Granting all that may be said s]a ~bp b_d or --£7 we WBgh our ban,1s of jt) inng. both parties was concerned. If it ft! so, although it
] of the moral evil of this institution, granting it to be a _,„_,,'„ jt js a mnit(l_ vv|)jch ,hp providence 0f God has may be granted by the letter, it is do* .ranted by the
I violation of the law under which God has constituted   ne„e_ ^ ...^ ^ :lirisdJction# spirit of the instrument, and the rig» cannot, without
[ moral beings, the question still remains to be derided, B(jJ. j^ ._ ^ .(e ^ A_ cjtizens__lf lhr. United the consent of the other party, be jntly and hon-ura-
| what is our duty in respect to it j ami, what are the S(nle^ wp , _ve gl)iemi,iy promjS0(] ,0 let it alone. We bly exercised. If I make a conirai I with my neigh-
limitations, within which our efforts fonts removal art   bave dec,ar_d ,bat we /MWt0 tlm gtatns respectively,   bour, and by the letter of that eontn ^obtain a power
^^^ —-intended to con- j
avo.il myself of
id every man of
w , ,   ..      ,,    anmc     1 nc;  __ „„„ __._,..      __„,,   ,, „ uci __, _. ,. _.__      hat may bn the';
tion.    And it is evident that the considerations which   ^de'lVk^wmn^S^isM^tt^mtVl toil purpose,'for the sake of which we propose to take an '
 ii  i ii. -.-.   ...   ii  ,     lovD nn honrm J what-     _.        .   J. " ?    __ .   . *        f  ...   .     *      ..*■ . .  . __   I -  .     • - -   . —
_   ished, it would lead.    But these arguments would be I ■^™,a",« s'u,t;s »«*« proci.       ....
I   entirely out of place, if they were urged to show that j Ple<jd ,l *Sa™\ us, should we attempt any legislation , question is, is it ruiht for me to interpret the Contract I
I a murderer should bo punished without trial, and that : In *• ™*e     Both pnrt.es have pledged themselves to  in this manner ?      f it be, I may to interpret it  let me
I every man is at liberty to knock  him on  the head,   abs,a,,n< *m n.e,th*r ca" Wterftre in the matter, with-; do what I will with the pain.   If it be not right, I n.Hy
* - . ■    - lout the violation of a solemn compact. In this respect,  not so interpret it, let my intention be what it may, in
lWhich God has ordained between man and man, and i     -— ".*"_;  : " _. ~.      -   . :.   *   -_ , ■ ,   ,
granting, also, that it is our duty to labour for its remo-j bmdm-Vn  *"***« we]l as ,n lts lett€r-    Tl°   lm,st ho granted, that the power to atefofcand the pow-
' val  I d.si-m merely to inquire what are the limits, ; slnr'1 of t,ie compact, 1 suppose, imposes upon me tho , er to establish, are the same. Now,Congress possesses
' Within which our efforts, for the accomplishment of this j obligation not to do any thing for the purpose of cluing-; precisely th*- same power over navy yards  tiirt^ica-
puroose are to be restricted ,02 tne r«''ntion of master and slave, except with the j tinne, ars"nals, &lc, belonging to the General Govern-
t    Our dutv on this subject-, must, I think, be eitheras   c,u,nf l'1 ot'ihe miattfr.    I have no right to declare the | ment, that it p messes over the Dis  ict of Columbia.
Wizens ofthe Uililed States, or as human beings,un-) ao-htion of s'avory in another state; I have conceded , Many of ihe.-e have been coded to the United States,
• that this is to be 1. it to the free choice ot the citizens j by the free states, and are still embosjined wilhin them.
t of that state. I have no rbjht to do any thing to inter- |Congress has precisely the same ri hi to abolish or to
States "we have no power Whatever either to abolish \fere *'i!h that/W'e choice, I have, therefore, no right establish slavery in all thns*, as it has io abolish or to
slavery in the southern states; or to do any thiog, of \ «? exc!,e s»ch a„^tR <Tf ^elin-amon_ the slaves, that eeUblish it in the District. Bnt would it be a just, fit
Which the direct intention ia to abolish it. "Whatever j 'he master shall be obliged, from physical necesMty,! and proper exercise of this right, were Congress to ra¬
wer we posses- as citizens of the United States, is Ito llbera,e his siavep, whether he behoves it toherjoht j tublish ^lav^ry in all these little portions of territory 1
~" — •■   I and wise, or whether h" believes the contrary
der law to God.
1. 1 think it evident, that, as ct't.ens of the United
iferred upon us by the constitution.    This power is
3t conferred upon us by that instrument, and there-
ire it does not exist.
But this instrument has not merely a positive, it has !
lso a negative power. It no' only granfs certain pow- '
a, but it expressly declares lhat those not enumerat-
are not granted.    Thus, it enacts, that all " The j
1 his Were such a thine attempted, I ask my candid «unn,
is as much a violation of the spirit of the compact, as whe'her we should not, nt once, exclaim that this
an arbitrary net of legislation. The compact concedes,  power was never conferred for this purpose ; and that
that it M to be left to the free will of the states, and I
oblige them to act th anco*dnnce with my will, and not
inaccordnn-e with their own. This is n violation of clear
and solemn oblation.    1 have no control over theuian-
wers not I legated to the Unhed States by the com | mr. m vvI,icl„ my neighbour shall educate hie children
the contriot could not be thus interpreted, without
overreaching and trickery 1 Now, I do not see that
any principle is involved in the one case, that is not
involved in the other. I say, therefore, that, although
the power is conferred by tho letter of the contract,
it is nut conferred by the spirit; and, therefore, we
cnnnot use it honourably; that is, v.e cannot use it at
-....,,,    ■.,   ,, _,_*-»_, „„„,,.,. I and to interfere by physical force, in order to obligi
Intion  nor mo limited by it, to the states, are reseri- J r ■ '        .. .    .  ~      ".
luiion, nui piwuujwu   j    , _Tli_w   \^„. 1 him to educate tb m as I please, would be infamous
to the states, rcioectively, or to the people.     ISow,        .•»».__. ,      c   , ■   c     i    «i   » i „ ;„ i   n
lo,     r     * V • ..„- ,!^/ «-_.&*-_<) ,t  B"1 if 1 s;ir up such a feeling in his ftrarly, that he is a'L
ie abolition of s avcry being a power not com rrcn,, u [ ^.^ ^ M]qw   ■    6))rT,restionS) in order to snve him_       j3ut if tbo rij-,lt (o us0 tbis powPf bo contingent, it
s, by this article, exp/essly wiUhecd.  H liatcve.ipow-| polffmm bpjn(r no-onedi i am eouallv infa.„ous.   The | may be asked, when  will the cordtngency  arise, in
we may therelbn/haveover si, very, as citizens "of\ •£*?* *?*£*"»**'l._* ^^l j^T,
le several states, within our own limits, respectively,
pe have n no, as citizens of the United States.    The
lajority of th- people in the United States, have, in
' is respect, no power over the minority; for, the mi-
arity has never conceded to them this power. Should
the Slatt s in the Union but one, and that one the
sry smallest, .bolish slavery ; should the majority of
le hundred to one, of the people of the U. States,
in favour of ils abolition, still it would not alter
the c 'se.    That one state, would be as free to abol¬
ish it or not   to abolish it, as it is now.    This is a
luestion which has never been submitted to the ma¬
jority of the   citizens  of these   United States, and,
therefore, the citizens of the United States, as citi-
tens, have nothing to do wilh it.
The same thing is evident, from the most cursory
"view of the circumr-tuncos under which the coustitu-
''tion was formed.    Previously to the revolution, each .
'Of these states was an independent colony; constituted i over lhe District, aa the Legislatures ofthe several
•Into a dis! inct government,' by charter from the British | f^tes have^over their own states respectively.    They
violation of right is as great in tne one case as in the
other. If a question baa been left to my decision, I
claim the privilege of deriding it for myself, mid I
ihnnk no ntip for Hfeciomg U Tof thct; nnroto -less do I
thank him fortakin? the decision out of my han ha, and
settling it by physical force. And it meters nothing
to me, whether this physical force be exerted by my
neighbour himself, or whether he stir up another man
to exort it. In both cases, it is a palpable and insolent
violation of right.
But it may be said, granting all thin, yet Congress
h"s a right to abolish slavery in the District of Colum¬
bia. Here we are, therefore, responsible, and of course,
under obligation. Let us proceed and calmly examine
this question.
I grant that, the unrestricted legislative control over
the District of Columbia, has been ceded to the Unit¬
ed States.   1 grant that Congress has the s-ime power
ient us distinct
have, thprefore, the power to abolish slavery within
that District.
crown.    Eieh colony  was a govcrnm
from every other, as though it had been a thousand miles
Qiistant from all the rest ; as distinct, in fact, as are the       Nay, I am willing to go farther.    I am willing to
different W«'sl India Isl mds from each other, or as any J allow lhat Congress has a right to abolish slavery in
oneof the West ludi.i lslinds, from thecolony of Cana-  the Diatrict    By right, I mean that tlmy have the
da, of New Z'-ahnd, or of Bombay.    They all held to power, and that ?io legal obstacle exisls to the exer-
Bthe British crown, but were all indep ndent of each   cise of tl nt pi wcr.    There is nothing in the Consli-
Hbther, and the only bond of union by which they wore   tution to forbid it.    There  is nothing  in  the act  of
^fconnected ton-ether, was, that they were all subject! cession to forbid it.    There is nothing in the constitu-
fo the same king, and all acknowledged the ultimate j tion and laws of the states which does, or which can
iuthority ofthe constitutional laws ofthe empire. forbid it.    The cession to Congress was absolute and
When the independence of these colonies was esta-' unrestricted.    On these points, I am disposed to raise
Wished, this link, which bound each of them to the  no question whatever,
iinother country, and thus indirectly to each other, was J     But it is always to be  remembered, that it is one
which we can rightfully use it! lanswcr.it may
arise in several way.?. First, whenever the southern
states agree to it, it will he protierjto use it. Second¬
ly, i, liuui.11.1 JiioiymmT «nm Vrt jMtilB, .<. — »»;-~* —f-L-. ..
shall abolish slavery, it will, I think, be perfectly right
to use it. The history of slavery, in this country,
shows, that Ihe line of demarcation between slave and
free labour, has an irresistible tendency to move south¬
ward. Right has a natural power over wrong, and the
advantages which it confers on nil parties, tend, of
themselves, to extend its boundaries. Maryland, but
for untoward reasons, to which I will not here allude,
would, by this time, I believe, have nearly freed her¬
self from the evils of slavery. There can be no reason
why Congress should oppose any obstacle to the natu¬
ral course of events, in respect to this or any other
change of opinion. Whenever the District would have
become free, if it had remained a part of the states, by
which it was originally ceded, then it will be not only
the right, but the duty of Congress, to abolish slavery.
Then we can abolish it without any infringement of
right, and then, the whole country, bolh north and
south, must rejoice in the act.
While I hold these opinions, however, I beg leave
to remark, that I entertain no light conceptions of the
evil of slavery in general, or of the evil of slavery in
the District of Columbia in particular. I would not
own a slave, "for all the gold that sinews bought
and sold, have ever earned." My blood has curdled,
ns I have heard the atrocious wrongs committed in
the very District itself, under the eyes of calm, un¬
committed persons, who have related them to me. I
never have sem them myself, for I have never been
in Washington. I have "frit a stain like a wound,"
when foreigners have taunted me with the fact, that
severed.     They became independent stales, having, | thing to say that a man has a right to do a particular | t,)e geat  ^  government of  this' free  people is  the
(«ach one for itself, power to make peace or war, or to j act, and a very different thing to say that it is right f ■   - -
jpbrm alliances, offensive and defensive, wilh what fo-  and just for him to do that particular act.    The right
Sweign states soever they severally chose.    While in   to do the act may be absolute, but the fitness, and pro- ,
%his condition, it is manifest that no state had any pow-' priety and justice of exercising that right, may be con-
• Her whatever over any other State.    Any one might' ditional.    A man has a right »o exact the personal la-
' have established slavery, or have abolished it, and no  bour of his wife, and also of his children during their
great slave market for the country. But deep and
degrading as is that stain, I will bear it with pa¬
tience, rather than wipe it off* by an act of injustice,
treachery or dishonour. And more than this, were
I a southern, as I am a northern man, I never
could consent, ns a man of honour, to hold my fellow
iotherone would have imngined that, in so doing, it was  minoritv. that is, he may do it, and them is no law to ! "•"'."" -«»««■««.»- - •■<   ■ »i — —
liable to any control from any other, or from all the ' prCvent it; nav, in doing it, the law will protect him i CXUfT,com'     c   , ? a, Sy      r      ,'C '' whB}i"" tr^
'rest; any more than from Ci.nada, Austria, Russia, or   from interference.    But the justice of his exercising \ *•%& th_7 f°cl l? ^atn:,t,(;ilJ!1 «'sgrace    In that
  .  • ,    ,-.J   ,   tt  •_ 1 ___i_" I[spirit ol frankness and disinterestedness, which always
prefer this system, and we are willing to bear the re-
pronch of it. We receive benefit, and we believe in¬
nocent benefit from ii. But you have no interest in it,
and we will not expose you to reproach, nor hold you
to this contract, since it is repugnant to your moral
sentiments."    Were I a southern, as I am a northern
the Sandwich Islands. this right is certainly conditional. He may do it justly | j^^-k^ ^^i^ c*-»7ter,Twl^mliT^Wl
Under these circumstances they chose,of their own   if it be necessary for their common support.    Btit.it
^sovereign will, to form a confederate government.   In  surelv would be an atrocious violation of justice, if he
.the formation of this government, each state, or the  should live in  indolence and splendour, and demand
people of each state, mutually agreed to commit ce'r-  that thev should thus labour to maintain him.    Yet. if
lin powers to the whole, and to submit the ultimate '■ be should do this, he might plead that he had a right
lecision of ceriain questions to the majority of the ; to do thus, and nobody could gainsay it.    A father has
^r^^^1^^^^^^^^ : I right to .urn his children out of his house when they . m      , wou](] ,f g the abolition of slavery in
jentati res in Congress Wbttthey havetooa submit- become of age, and it may, under so ne circumstances, , the Djgtrict> h*is ^ ' „ t , . lf b > ■
ted to the decision of £—£***£*    <>thug else   be exercised with propriety ;  but this by no  means i js ,_ w|lich could ofl] from .     u    an(J
can be decided by the majority.    \Y Hat has not been  pr0ves that it would be right for parents always to do | pat, iotic spirit
submitted  remains precisely «» WMJbefare^iin the  g0.    A parent, worth an independent fortune   has a |   l And ^ the gubjrct presente_ in this hghu j (lo
power ot the c. izens of   ho aeveral  statu,,  and the  right to bind out his child as an apprentice, to the mos    bolieve ^ the      ^ J   »     j      ^ ^^^ , fc
Stizens of the United States have nomoreto do with  loathsome and degrading occupation ; bu  is this a right I ,heir chivalric contnn   t J d .    j know their e„.
t, than they have with the affairs of Iceland. , Nvh,ch ,t I8 fit, and proper, and just, at all times, to ex-; t]l,,siagtic a,t_chment to personal right.    I know, also,
The principle, in this case, is the same as that which  ercise 1 | tbeir ar(|_m love of countryt and that it ig( wil[l thert1) a
|overns partnerships. If twenty men put into common It is manifpst, then, that, granting a ri«ht to exist, ; po;nt of honour to be foremost in making any sacrifice
stock, each a thousand dollars, on condition that the in the signification above given, the question still re- - for the public good. If their rights on this subject were
whole, for certain purposes, shall be controlled by a mains, is it a right, fit and proper and just to be exer- j freely conceded, and the question put upon its true
majority of the proprietors, or of such persons as they cise d? In other words, although we have the right to ■ ground, the ground of concession lo the honest, although
may appoint, then the majority has a conceded right do it, yet would it be right and just for ue to do it? \ they may think it the misguided, moral feelimr of the
to control that property for those purposes. But that This is really the point on which it seems to me the I north, I cannot believe that ihey'would hesitate to fol-
is all their power.   They have no control over another   whole question hinges. j low the dictates of nn enlarged and disinterested pa-
dollar ofthe property of any proprietor, nor have they j j ^ ihen, in the first place, what is the object of j triotism. When two courses of conduct are before
a right to control it for any other purposes than those the act of abolition? Is it ultimate within itself? Is ! them, I believe them fully capable of appreciating the
for which it was contributed. Still Leas have they a it merely because, as citizens of the United States, we j dignity of choosing the more noble. It is not natural to
right to control the political opinions of a proprietor, or are opposed to slavery in any territory over which we ; them gratuitously to inflict pain upon an associate, f spe-
to direct in what manner he shall educate his children, exercjee jurisdiction? Or, is it for the sake of some- j cially upon a fellow citizen. This is a pain which need
or govern his family. The principle in both cases is thing ulterior, that is, for the sake of creating such a I not be inflicted. I am sure the noblest course that coo Id
the same, and it is a very obvious one. It is simply 8tate of things in the slave-holding states, thafthe citi-, be taken, would be, for them magnanimously to offer
this.    No man is bound by any compact, any further  zens 0f those states will be obliged, whether they ap-   to bid it cease forever.
than he has bound himself. In forming any society,! prove of jt or not) to abolish slavery ? In so far as this I appeal, therefore, and I do it with confidence, to
there are, of necessity, certain individual rights, ]Htter is the object, I think it unconstitutional; because, I the patriotism of the south. I declare that, as a citi-
which a man submits to the decision of the majority. we bavCi by tbe spirit of the compact, bound our- | zen ofthe United States, I am grieved that the soil in
But the surrender of these, involves the surrender of 8f>iveg to leave it to their own free will. That free; which I have with them a common right of ownership,
no other, and, in every thing else, he is as perfectly  wjj]) we bave no   right, either   by ourselves, or by  should have become an universal slave market; that
  ' others, to control; and we have no right to use our j that soil should  be polluted with prisons, constructed
* Elements of Moral Science.    Section on violation of. power, either of one kind or another, for this purpose.; for the express purpose of collecting together human
personal liberty. 11 think, therefore, we have no right to exercise the j beings for exportation ; and that a regular line of slave
ships should sail from the harbours of the District. I
have never had any thing to do with slavery.- 1 derive
no benefit from it, yet I am obliged to bear the pain ol
being a party to what, in my conscience, I disapprove.
Yet, while J thus declare myself deeply grieved, I will
respect the rights of the south to the very last title, in
letter and in spirit. I will bear it all unto the very end,
rather than violate, either in form, or in fact, the pledge
which I have solemnly given. But, while I thus re¬
spect the rights of my southern brethren, I surely may-
ask, that they respect my feelings, in return. The ac¬
tion in this case must come from them. I therefore
call upon them, to come forward, with the nobleness of
which I know them to be capable, and of their own ac¬
cord, remove this cause of grief I say nothing of con¬
sequences, for be these what they may, they as well as
I, can look them calmly in the face. I ask tiiem to
maRe this offering on the altar ot frank, generous,
fraternal putiotism. It will be a sacrifice honoura¬
ble in the eyes of men, and well pleasing in the
sight of God. And here, for myself, and 1 believe I
may also do it in behalf of all the true friends of man
at the nortfc, I solemnly promise, that, when it shall
be our turn to make a similar offering, we will not
be outdone by them, when they have done their utter¬
most.
A few words more, and I have done with this part
of the subject There seems to m^a dangerous dis-
positian on both sides, wherever the question of slavery
is agitated, to press upon the limits ofthe con>titution
to the utmost. At the north, 1 liave no doubt, that the
subject of slavery has been diacueuod in a manner de¬
cidedly at variance wilh constitutional liberty ot speech
and the press. On the other hand, at the souA, it has
been held, tint" the discussion of this subjej^in all
manners, and in any spirit, was to be forbidden. The
ri_ht of petition has, I doubt not, been abused ; topics
have been introduced into petitions which have no con-
si, tutional right to be introduced, and petitions have
been multiplied, for lhe sake of eff ct, in such num¬
bers as to threaten to exclude every other subject of
discussion. On the other hand, this has been met by
measures, which seeiii to me at variance with Lhe vecy
existence of the right of petition- Every one must
see that wrong on one side, is no justification of wrong
on the other. . Passion is never decorous ; least of all,,
in legislators. Patience and lorbearance, calm adhe¬
re nee to right, will in the end come off' the most suc-
cessitrl. There is surely no greater wisdom, in con¬
troversy, „thj>n to hold *an opponent always in the
wrong.
And lastly, as it respects the annexation of Texas.
That the annexation of Texas will extend the system
of slavery, I pnsume there can be no doubt, nor can
there be any doubt, that, by fco doing, it will alter ma¬
terially the balance which exists, between the slave
holding and the free states. Vet this is not an argu¬
ment which I would use, as an American citizen, be¬
cause slavery, in the view of the constitution, is inno¬
cent ; and tho system has a right to whatever acciden¬
tal advantages may, from the pursuit of the honest and
vviso policy ofthe country, accrue lo it. On the oilier
hand, as this is strictly a local institution, I do not see
how honourable men can urge a national measure/or
IIl'S reason. Tb- —ma p-inoifihl which precludes lhe
north from opposing it, also, as it otrc_j in mo, pro
eludes the south tiom urging it. It 6hould there-
lore, be decided on general principles of slutesmau-
ship.
lf it be left fo these reasons, it seems to mc that
there can be but little room tor argument. We
want not territory, since we have, already, more than
we need. We need not additional strength, and if we
did, the annexation of Texas could not give it to us.
There is no reason that I can conceive tor it, and there
are strong constitutional objections against it. The
south has always contended strongly, and 1 think, tru¬
ly, against the use of doubtful constitutional powers.
The best that can be said on this subject, is, that the
constitutional right to do the act, is extremely doubt-
Jut. Let the south then be true to the construction for
which she has always o ntended ; and let her manilest
her fidelity to her principles, by holding fast to them,
even when they seem adverse to her interest. This is
the only way in which we can truly increase the prac¬
tical power of the constitution. Just in proportion as
this is strengthened, we shall be united, happy and in¬
vincible.
11. We have now cleared our way through the
question, in so far as it concerns our duty as citi¬
zens. It only remains that we consider our duty in
respect to slavery, arising from our relations as men.
When we look upon it in this view, we are to con¬
sider it, in general, just as we should consider slavery
in the West Indies, or in South America, or in any
other part ofthe world. The principal, if not the only
difference, is, that it is an evil existing in our own
neighbourhood, and a wrong done by our friends and
acquaintances; by men who would be more likely to
hear argument and motive from us, than Irom any one
else; and, therefore, for the.-e reasons, we are specially
I called upon to attempt its removal.
In this, as in any case, therefore, we are under the
[common obligation to make known to our fellow men,
| that truth which we believe to be conducive to their
I happiness, and to the happiness of men in general. In
i asmuch as this is a question of practical duty, our ap
| peal is to be made to the understanding and conscience
j of these whom we desire to convince. Inasmuch as
* the only reason which renders it obligatory on us to
1 endeavour to convince them, is the general obligation
i of love to man, it is of the utmost importance for us so
lo conduct the discussion, that it shall be not only ap-
j parent, but incontrovertible, that this is our only mo-
: live. Inasmuch as we are endeavouring io eonvince
' our fellow men that they are chargeable with a viola-
I tion of the rights of others, we should, in all our inter
[course, set them an example of the most delicate re>
! gard to their rights. He will surely labour with very
: little success, in the propagation of truth, who com
| mences his efforts by uttering a falsehood. And he
1 will labour with as little success in extending the
dominion of right, whose first effort is an act of uijus
tice.
We are bound, then, I apprehend, in all our efforts
on this subject, most scrupulously to avoid all mea-
| sures, which could justly be construed into an attempt
to infringe the rights of the south. We have a right
' to attempt to change southern opinionson this question,
and to show the master, by argument, that it is for his
interest, and that it is his duty, to liberate his slave.
But we have no right to take any measures of which
the natural tendency is, to excite the slaves to insub¬
ordination and civil war. We have a right to change
the purpose of the master by argument, but we have
no right either to oblige him by our own physical force
to change it, or to excite another person thus to oblige
him. I here only speak ofthe question of right to do
the act, and not at all of the practical result of the act
It is my firm belief, that a general insurrection at the
south would end in the almest entire annihilation of
the coloured population.
Nor, again, can I perceive the utility of a system of
societies, affiliated, not for the sake of circulating truth
! at the south, but for the sake of exciting and agitating
the people at the north. The only advantage which
can be expected to result from this measure, is the in¬
crease of abolition votes. But this is a matter, as we
have attempted to show, with which votes have noth¬
ing to do, inasmuch as it is a question, over which as
citizens, we have no control. In the mean time, the
very attempt to multiply votes, on this question, cannot
but beget in the minds ofthe south, the suspicion that
we intend to interfere in this very manner: that is, in
a manner at variance with our constitutional obliga¬
tions. The least suspicion of this nature, must, from
the necessity ofthe case, render all our argument use¬
less, and make our very appeal to men's understand¬
ings and consciences, a positive annoyance. And in
so far as I have been able to discover, such has been
the effect ofthe system of affiliated abolition societies.
They have already become the tools of third rate poli¬
ticians. They have raised a violent agitation, without
presenting any definite means of constitutionally ac¬
complishing their object. In the mean time, as combi¬
nation on the one side, always produces combinations
on the other, they have embittered the feelings of the
outh. They have, for the present, at least, rendered
any open and calm discussion of this subject in the
slave holding states utterly impossible. They have ri-
vetted, indefinitely, the bonds ofthe slave, in those very
states in which they were, a few years since, falling
off; and, every where throughout the south, they have
rendered the servitude ofthe enslaved vastly more ri-
gourous than it ever was before. While, therefore, I
would spenk with respect ofthe motives of those of my
fellow citizens who are enlisted in abolition societies,
(the political intenneddlers, both small and great, al¬
ways excepted,) I must come to tbe conclusion that
their efforts must be unwiseiy directed, or else they
would have led to a more salutary resulf. •
And again. Supposing we abjure all unkindnrss,
and speak only in the spirit of love, it is yet to be re¬
membered that we are only held responsible for setting
the truth before men. They have a right to decide
whether they will accept of us as" their instructors or
not*' »They have as good a right to their ears, as we
have to our tongues. Hence, if they will not hear uf,
our responsibility is at an end. We have no right to
force our instructions upon them, either by conversa¬
tion, or by lectures, or by the mail. If they still deter¬
mine to go on, in what we believe to be wrong, wo
must leave them to God, who is perfectly capable of
vindicating his own laws, and executing justice among
lhe children of men. If they will not hear us, the in¬
dication is plain, that Cod does not mean to use our in¬
strumentality in the affair. We must retire and leave
the ense in his hands, and turn our attention to the
doing of good, in some other way.
But I do not believe that there is sny dsnger of
such a result. Before the present measures were
adopted, discussion on the subject of slavery was com¬
mon at the South. It has-never been treated, any
where, with greater boldness or ability than it was a
few yearg since, in public debate, in th$ Virginia
House of Delegates, and it was done, then, without
offence. When the present agitations have passed
away, there is no reason why it should not be treated
in the same manner again. The Quakers have always
borne their clear, and decided, and manly testimony
■gainst slavery, both by precept and by example ; and
yet no exception has ever been taken at the course
which they have pursued. They have stated explicit¬
ly their views on this subject, in their yearly epistles.
They have used no approbrious epithets, but, in the
spirit of love, have addressed themselves to the reaton
and conscience of their fellow men. I do not believe
that a southern man would take offence, if a copy of
their epistles on this subject should be sent to every
slave-holder in the country. It has not been my good
fortune to become acquainted with many of my south¬
ern fellow citizens, but with those whom I have known,
I have always conversed as freely upon this, as I would
upon any other subject. It is due to truth to declare,
that they have always heard my arguments candidly
and kindly, and have never taken offence at the dif¬
ference, wide as it might be, which existed between
us. I do not, therefore, believe that any insuperable
obstacle exists to labouring in this cause, in the spirit
of love. My confidence in the cause of truth, and
justice, and charity, is yet firm and unabated.
Having already extended these remarks far beyond
i limit which I had designated, I have barely room
add a few concluding suggestions.
If there be any truth in the doctrine of the preced¬
ing essay, 1 think it will be evident
1. That although I may be convinced that a com¬
mand has been given by God, it is yet incumbent on
me to inquire what other commands bave been given
by him which may affect my obligations to perform
any particular act, which would generally be compre¬
hended under that command. Unless I do this, I am
liable to violate ri»ht ; to do evil that good may come -
and thus to plead the authority of God in justification
of manifest wrong.
2. If there be this liability to error, it is clearly my
duty to do this for myself. It is a duty which I cannot
delegate to another. It is a n atter between me and
my Alaker. No one ha? any right to decide it for me ■
nor can I, as a moral man, act upon the decision of
anyone but myself. I am also as much bound to con¬
sider the limitations which God has fixed to my indi¬
vidual duty, as the general enactment by which any
general duty is enjoined. I must take into view my
present position, the relations which I at this moment
sustain, and the obligations under which I am at this
moment placed, in order to decide what is my duty at
this moment in respect to any particular command.
Unless I diligently seek for all the light which God
has thrown upon my path, and unless I am also will¬
ing to be guided by this light, I cannot claim to be his
servant, nor can I plead his authority in justification
of the course which I pursue. Unless I do thus he
is not responsible for the consequences; and that re¬
sponsibility, how great soever it may be, rests wholly
upon myself. '
3. And lastly, if this be so, it will be seen that
moral questions cannot be decided by majorities nor
can the law of God be ascertained by the votes of con¬
ventions. Every man must give account of himself
before God. We cannot shirt the responsibility of our
conduct upon others. Public opinion can make noth¬
ing either ri<jht or wrong. If we would be the ser¬
vants of God, we must learn, each one for him*elf to
ask the question, Lord, what would thou have me to
do? and uninfluenced by fear or by favour by allure
ment or by opposition, do that thing, and' that only
let others do as they may. w*
Gena» Silk Companv.-a silk company, with a
large capital, has been formed in Genesee county in
this state, and it appears they are determined to take
multicaulis, so celebrated for its l^^S^Z
the commoner sorts of mulberries. The laws recently
passed in some of the states granting large bounties o
encourage the silk culture and the proposedTnactment
ot similar laws now before Congress and our Sute Leg
the
to