Evening Gazette

              D t. aUMill 1900. D kly Established 1850. f PITT8T0N, PA.. TUESDAY, JUNE 8, 1886. DEFEATED. cw.tetiulrde.ir. to prevent the clerical asoehdancy which was aimed at (Irish cries of Nol) by the priesthood of any church. All chnrciiee wished for an educational Mcendancy. The Irish member. felt themeelves embarked in a tremendous struggle with the Catholic priesthood, and until now it bad required the moderating hand of the imperial parliament to deter Protestants and Cathollos alike from extreme demands. It we. impoatible to ignore differences of craed, class and race. A neutral hand was dmx. .ary to deal with rival sections like those engaged in the recent Belfast difficulty. The bQl contain' 4 elements of oommerelal, financial and legislative frlotioa A seper* ate executive would lead to friction and separation. Difficulties would arise under the foreign enlistment act, and in connection with ships like the Alabama, the Imperial parliament would be responsible for the acts of the Irish executive, yet powerless to control them. The Canadian executive was in trouble with America, but  was responsible for Canada and had to settle the difficulty. The premier's friends had not condescended to reply to that argument Suppose dlsooneent arose culminating in agitation and ultimate separation. We must not forget Mr. Horley's warning. 1* there i. discontent in Ireland, Irish Ameri" ans will place material resource. at Ireland's command. If parliament parted with the executive in Ireland and placed it in new and untried hands, thereby alUnating friends or making foes, how would they meet thlp difficulty! Conelnding, Mr. Ooschen appealed to members not to maim the constitution, whereof they were only life trustee. No foreign country ever had a parliament like the British. As- life trustee, they were bound to handover their glorious possessions without detriment to those coming after. He Implored the house "by the tradition of which we are the heirs; by obligation, honor, duty; by our hope, for th. future of the empire and our duty to our queen, let us look to it that thoee who come after shall bear witness that we have not betrayed our trust" (Loud cheers.) well the dUfa-mo* between • oo-criiuato and a ihiTha illmta iisi lb i—lit We know that the legislature which the premier ivh'j -a '.o constitute 1* a subordinate parHsmmt. not like Qrattan's, which was coequal Mr. Gladstone! (hear, hear), arising C uC ot the same constitution and in the same manner as this parliament, given by the sovereign. (Ministerial cheers.) We understand this perfectly well, and ws should undoubtedly have preferred, as I stated up Dn the occasion of the Introduction of the blil, as showing that I could not aocept this as a final settlement of the question—we Bhould have preferred the restitution of the Grattan pari anient. (Parnellite cheers.) It would have been more in accord with the sentiments of the Irish people. At the same time l am bound to say that If I preferred the Grattan parliament, there ars practical advantages in the proposals before us which limit and subordinate the parliament to that In whloh we now sit. it may be of even greater advantage to the Irish people than a parliament like Qrattan's, and miieh more likely to be a final settlement of the question. Grattan1 s parliament had many disadvantages. First, it had the house of lords. (Laughter.) We get rid of the house of lords under Mr. Gladstone's constitution. Tiue, there is to be in its place the first order, a very salutary provision. I don't pledge myself to'all its details and qualification* but I say, generally, that the first order is a very salutary provision, which will tend to prevent rash legislation and immoderate action. I would rather see a bill hung up for ten years by a body like the first order in Ireland than see It hung up for a single twenty-four hours by the imperial parliament (Cheers.) I venture to express the opinion that the existent action of the Imperial parliament as a constant means of overseeing, as is suggested by Mr. Chamberlain, would not have the same success, and would not be so acceptable to the Irish paop'.e, as the measure now proposed, Indeed, Mr. Chamberlain's proposals would, I believe, be mlsohievous snd dangerous, and would prevent any settlement being arrived at that would be satisfactory to the Irish people. On the other hand, when we have assembled in our own chamber in Ireland all the different sections of the Irish people, and those causes and effects which always arise, will come into operation again and will lead to satisfactory results. The result of the two orders working together in the same chamber will enable great questions tj be settled on a basis of compromise more or less satisfactory to all parties We understand perfectly well that the Imperial parliament has ultimate supremacy and ultimate sovereignty. I quite agree with Mr. Gladstone and think it one of the most valuable parts of the bill. I quite agree with that That whloh Mr. Gladstone offer*, namely: The responsibility of maintaining order in Ireland by an Irish parliament, Is a correct provision which no state oould exist without (Irish cheers.) The supremaoy of the imperial parliament, however, will not be affected by this If the Irish party executes the powers given to it, while in some cases it may be rendered more effective than ever. In accepting the bill we accept honorable obligations, and we pledge ourselves for tike Irish people as far as we can pledge ourselves (Derisive cheers) that the powers given to us shall not be abused; to devote all the energy and ability we poseees and all the influence we may have with our people to prevent them from abusing the powers entrusted to them (cheers), andjthat If abuses do take place the Imperial parliament may intervene in casts of grave emergency. You have the power, authority and force, and if al.ilses are perpetrated you have the remedy in your own hands. In a case of this kind you have just the same authority as you would have whether (bis bill had been brought forward or not, and this we recognize, and acoept it as a final settlement, and 1 believe that the Irish people will do so. I will say no more on this point, but my words have been singularly justified. (Parnellite cheers.) wealth congregate, are tonal in Use east, as Is only nataMLXhe east of tNsrter. Munster and Leinster are wealthier than the rest of those provinces. Wo com* now to the protection of the loyal minority. It is a question upon which great attention has bean bestowed. On* would think that the Protestants of Ireland were going to bo handed over to the tender mercies of thugs and bandits, (Maj. Saunderson—"Hear, hear,") (cheers). I only wish I was as cafe in the north of Ireland when I go there as Maj. Bannderson would be in the' south. (Home rule cheers). What do these gentlemen mean by protection of the loyal minority I In the first place, I would ask what they mean by loyal minority ? Mr. Goochen does not seem to have made up his mind even at this late stage of the debate what the loyal minority is. When naked, he said he meant tha same loyal minority that Mr. Gladstone referred to, but h* would not commit himself by tailing us what significance he attached to Mr. Gladstone's statement I have examined Mr. Gladstone's references sloe* then, and And that Mr. Gladston* referred to the whole province of Ulster. He did not select a little bit of the province because th* opposition bad not discovered th* point at tha time, and consequently 1 suppose I may assume that Mr. Goechen also refers to the whole provinoe of Ulster, when he asked that special protection should be given. He has not told as how he would specially protect it, but we may take it from 'th* plans *€ his colleagues that Mr. Chamberlain has supplied the plan he has claimed for Ulster, and I suppose Mr. Goshen, whan the proposition oomes, wM support him In that claim. He has claimed a separate legislature for Tou would not protect the loyal minority of Ireland, even supposing you gave Ulster a separata legislature, because there are outside of that pro vine* over 400,000 Protestants who would still be without any protection, ae far as what yon propose would give it to them. Tou would make th* position of theee 400,000 Protestants, by taking away Ulster from tham, infinitely less secure. (Cheers.) You would not eren protect the Protestants in Ulster, because the Protestants, according to the last census, ware in the proportion of fifty-two to fortyeight Catholic*. We have every reason to beieve that the Protestants and Catholics in Ulster are about equal m number. However it may be, the Nationalists have succeeded In returning the majority of the Ulster members. Tha main reason why w* bare a majority of tha Ulster members is that a large proportion of the Protestants and Nationalists voted in closely divided coastttaencles throughout Ulster in favor of th* Nationalist candidates, so ypu would still hav* the Nationalist will to deal with in Ulster, even supposing you had a ssparate legislature there. The first thing an Ulster legislature would do would be to unite itself with the Dublin parliament Driven away from tha fiction of Protestant Ulster, the opponents of the bill upon this point seek refuge in the northeast corner of ulster, consisting of three counties. Then there oomes in the difference. Instead of protecting a majority of the Irish Protestants by constituting a legislature for tha northeast corner of Ulster, you abandon the Protestant majority to their fate under the Dublin parliament Seven-twelfths of th* Protestants of Ireland live outsid* the three oounties in the northeast corner of Ulster, and only five-twelfths live inside; so whatever way you put it you must abandon the idea of protecting the Protestants of'Ireland by the establishment of a ssparate legislature, qlther for Ulster or «ny portion of Ulster. W* cannot give up a single Irishman. (Cheers.) We want the energy, the patriotism, the talent and the work of every Irishman (cheers) to Insure that, this great experiment will be a success. The beet system of government for a country I believe to be one which requires that the government should be the result of all the forces of the country. TBS, QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION. Well, sir, 1 cannot help obMrvlng that 1 was struck with an oheervetioo of Mr. Beech. Ha My. the bill will be rejected, whatever else happens, by the. votes of a majority of the English and Scotch members, and in that observation be was cheered by those who teach u. that they are, above ill, anxious for tb. maintenance of the United Kingdom parliament, in which Irish members are in all respect, to be asrimOatod to the English and Scotch members. Well, Sir Michael talks about dissolution, and I am glad to And that npon that point b. and I are more nearly associated than upon almost any other point of fhi« rontr 'versy. After what Mr. Beach has sui and the acquaintance he has shown with the history of-the bill, and after all that was said by Mr. Gosehen, I must again refer to the exact portion in which some of the members stand with regard to the biiL ■art with It if it wonld, ud It wonlil Mt if It oould. It la quit* true feat in constituting a legislature In Ireland wa doaa wa did whan we constituted a legislature In Canada and Australia, namely, devolve an Important portion of power. Wa devolvad It with the ▼law in Canada, and I hope wa ahail do it in Iralaad, not to establish a partial and a i omlnai, bat a real and practically indepandent management of her own affairs •fin (dm li Ui wing wo desire ana Dopo ah i mean to do. The Home Bnle Ml Fails to Beaoh Second Beading. - 811 VOTED TEA—841 NAf. And Thns DIM Gladstone'* E*orte to Free-Ireland It Is obvious that the question may be raised. How do you propost to deal with questions that may arise when the imperial government, notwithstanding this general division of affairs, may be by the obligations of impa+tt rule re coiapsllid to intervene? Well, my answer is that this question has received a Car better solution from practioaJ politics, from the experience of the last forty or fifty years, than would aver hat* been givanto it by the definitions of a lawyer, however eminent Whan the Ahadian legislature was founded this difficulty arose. The qutotfan aroae regarding the Canadian rebellion, and I myself and . Lard Brougham were of the opinion—I know not nbw whether wa were right or wrong—that the honor of the crown had been invaded by a proposition to grant in Canada a vote for losses In the rebellion to thoea who had bean rebels and had incurred tbeaa leasee ae cabala. Lord Brougham made a motion 1* the house of lords in 1849, and I made a motion in the house of commons on the same subject. The Important part of fee debate oonsisted In the declarations drawn from the ministers of fee Crown. Lord John Russell then laid down what I conceived to be a true and sound doctrine la terms which, I believe, may be fab*y4«oHbedatMtkaritative on the manaer or with the house, on June'uf 1840, Lord Russell,said: T •1 entirely agree wife fight honorable gentleman. It is, Indeed, in with fee sentiments I expressed in a dispatoh I wrote a few years ago, feat them are aaaes which must be left to the decision of fee responsible ministers of fee crown, there are cases where fee hoaor of fee crown and feu safety of fee oountry are concerned, and in such cases it requires the utmost tamper in fee colonics and fee utmost temper and firm- la the rnint Parliament—Gosehen and Parn.ll M feith tfhefr fclnal Pleas Pa* SsD Against, and Bally Their Force. Par the Pray—The Religions Is.tie Brought Infill Into the IJebate—Dissolution Mow in Order. In the first place, I tak* it to be atao'-otely beyond dispute, upon broad, high parliamentary ground', that that which Is to be voted upon lo-nlght is the prtnolpl* of the bill as distinct from th* particulars of the bill. What may be the principle oUtls' bill . I grant that I have no authority to ulster mine, but It is our duty to give our own construction of the principle of the bill 1 think I drew a.oenfirmatian of construction from th* speech of Mr. Beach, because he himself said that this was a bill for tha purpose of establishing a legislative body in Ireland for the management of Irish affairs. I apprehend it to be beyond all question that the members voting for the principle of the bill are entirely and absolutely ' free, and that if they think there Is any set of provisions by means of whidff* a better and fuller *ff*ot may b* given to th* principles of the bill they are at liberty to displace all tha details, That d*ea not admit of doubt Wall, the government have taken certain engagement*. They have taken an engagement as to taxation for the intervention of the Irish members, to the terms of whioh I nsed not now refer. Th*y hav* also broken an engagement on the claim of Inland to con tiihied conoern through her msmbers in the treatment of imperial subjects generally, and that has entailed a positive pledge to reconstruct, If we do not *ntir*ly remove, the twenty-fourth clause, and adopt other consequential amendments connected with it JssaSstfSRasr *:x afternoon a greater crowd was gathered in the vicinity of St Stephen's than has yet marked the progreee of the borne rule debate. As eaoh prominent member passed between the flies of polio, in Palace yard he was cheered by his partisans, and when Mr. Gladstone arrived he received a perfect ovation. The premier looked calm and collected, and it was remarked that he were a small white roee in his buttonhole, ear blematic, possibly, of a minion of peace. Inside the house every Mat was Med, both on the floor and in the galleries, and ths passage ways were so crowded as to render it almost impossible for members to more from one point to another. When Mr. Ooschen rose to open the final debate on the great question of Ireland's freedom and speak in opposition to the bill kt vtC received with cheers, both by the Conservatives and by the anti-Gladstone Liberal clique, of which he lsoneof the most prominent members. Hit sreech was substantially as follows: He said that the bill was said to be a wins—gs of peaoe to Ire and. which, the premier asserted, would be torn to fragments immediately after its second reading. The sovereignty of parliament depended largely on certain clauses contain k1 in this bill to which It was highly probable the majority of the house of commons would never assent If the bill passed there would be a tremendous struggle with the Catholic clergy respecting the charge of education. Regarding the question as to whether the proposed measure would effect a final settlement or Induce an abeolute separation, Mr. Oosohen had not thought The finality would depend entirely upon the Irish members and the assurances of the premier. He had once supposed that the givers of oertain pledges would reconstruct 9m bin, but they had indignantly repudiated BMlUOptwQt • »__ S . ... »—a—. ** PARNELL'S REPLY. The I rich Lmdar HhIi tun* la a Sensible Ipneb. Mr. Fsrnell «u greeted with a deafening burst of cheer* from the Gladstone and Par-, nellite benches, as lie aroae to reply to Mr. Qoechen. He laid; "I should ordinarily have lacked oonfldence in following so able and eloquent a speaker in this contest of giants, bat 1 think that 'he is doubly armed who hath his quarrel just' (cheers), and, unequal and inferior as I am in many points, I hope I shan't be so far behind as I usually am. (Hear, bear.) ▲MKITDIKO THB BILL. ness in this country. I fully admit that there suoh mm when the right hoc arable gentleman goes on to say that Sari Klglu has reoeived some Instructions from the goveminent of thii country by which he ia debarred from asking the advice and dfarectiuu of the crown on queationa that affect, the imperial policy and national honor. He 1* entirely mistaken in that aasumption." Oat more question has bs*n raised with respect to other amendments to the bill. Of couree as to the freedom of members to suggest other amendments I say nothing; but in reference to our duty there can be no question at all thdtour duty, if an interval is granted us, if the circumatancss of the present session require the withdrawal of the bill, if it ia to be reintroduced with amendment at an early date in the autumn, of course it is our duty to amsnd our bill with every real amendment, every real improvement, with whatever is caloulatsd to maks it more effective and acceptable. For the attainment of its end we are perfeotly free to deal with them, but it would be the meanest, basest act on the part of the government to pretend that they have a plan of reconstruction ready beforehand, cut and dried, in their minds at a time when, from the very nature of the cause, it must be obvious that it is perfectly clear there can be no such thing. Sir,'so much than for the system and freadom of the members oppoaed to the bill. It is the duty of the government to consider their amendments, and do everything they can with a view to a fuller and better application of the bill, and to add to those fine grounds, which have on a former occasion been so clearly explained, and. from whioh there is no Intention in any sense to recede. After the vote Mr. Gladstone moved an adjournment until Thursday, and the notice was adopted. .. ■%. ... Without Intending to offer any disrespect, I could not help thinking while listening to the honorable gentleman's speech, that in all the lost oauses with which I hare seen him connected during many years past, he was nevsr so little effective as while contending against the bill which we hope to read a second time to-night PLUNGING INTO THE SANTEE RIVBR. Fatal Kallroad Aeeldest ia IwlBl Oaro- CHABUSTOM, a C., June H.—The northbound passenger train aa the Northeastern railroad, which loft hare at It o'clock yesterday, pianged through the Ban tee river tree- Ik midway between St. Stephanas station and Bantee river bridge, smsshfrg up the eoaohes and killing six passenger*. ftakilkd are': Cole, John L, of Charleston. Ingleaby, Charles, Jr., of Charleston. Kinloch, Dr. G. G., of Charleston. Molver, Miss, of Charleston. McWhite. Miss C R. of Marion. Wilson, Miss Hannah, residence not known. A munber of ethars were injured. Mr. Gladstone, interrupting—That is * gross error. What the gentleman thinks looked Ilk* Indignation was my eager repudiation of the cool statement that 1 had received to reconstruct the bill. Mr. Goschen, continuing, laid that he saw a distraction, but he was unahie to see how the premier could avoid a difficulty. "The bouse was now informed that the bill would not be reobosfruoted. (Cheers, amid which Mr. Gladstone showed signs of dissent) ■'Will the government," said Mr. Goschen, "stand by their bill ornotf' (Opposition cheers.) Mr. Ooachen sought. I think, very oaf airly to out a lurid light upon the situation by allusion to those unhappy outrage* in Kerry. I join him in the expression of my contempt for those cowardly and disgraceful practices. I join him to the fullest extent; (Hear, hear.) but neither do I tay that because evictions have been more numerous In Kerry than of all the rest of Munster put together during months past, that constitutes an excuse for thsae outrages, nor any excuse for outrage, though it may supply us with the cause of them, but when I denounce outrages I denounce them in every part of Ireland, whether in Ulster or In Kerry (Hear, hear). '■This comss from voting, not on the bill, but; on th« explanations first fiven at the foreigmofflce and amplified and explained on the Friday following. Farther explanations to the answer given on Monday were also elicited in various letters whloh passed between the premier and his foltaren. That is the bads on whloh many members had united to vote tor the MIL The premier was more anxious to know from his supporters what thsy would authorise him to give than he was to insist on knowing what ths.Parnsllites would aooept It has been shown that the British parliament is not iodised to consider Mr. Parnsll its dictator. v(Oreat cheering on the Conservative benches). "During the rsosss I heard one gentlemen, «BWjk mil'-*—- of the crown, say that it wwswrtointhatMr. ParneU would be the director. I think that Mr. Parnell't followers will now acknowledge that there are limits whereat they sse many who at* prepared to grant sons legislative autonomy to Ireland would draw the line." Ifc Qoechsn than reminded the house of Mr. Morley's reported allusions to dark subterranean forces during the first reading at the bill There was not so mneh heard of them now. Tragedies which have C scarcely faded from our memories greatly alarmtd the home secretary of Mr. Gladstone's last government (Sir William Harcourt), bathe is now able to reappear as chancellor of the exchequer and make mtfTJ of what he calls melodramatic terrors. "J wonder whether this began," said Mr. Goshen, "on the day when he first pinned on his arm, over his minister's unifohn, the Mr. Ocechen is certainly free from reproach, He has not joined Lord Churchill and Mr. Chamberlain in their use of reckless language with reference to the affairs of a country whloh is not their country; an interferon oe for wMch they have not even the paltry excuse that it is any business of theirs, or that they had any Interest there. Mr. Beach has said that the question of Ulster it a question of privilege, but I in ait say that with regard to the sentiments we have heard expressed on the subject, I cannot say that any* plan for the treatment of Ulster has made any serious or practical effect upon Major Sat'nderson, who is supposed to favor the separation of Ulster from the rest of Ireland. ntal Htn «m—Iw. T*., Jwi twt fori company, at Pfcreqp* throe milee from s 3 WW* badly burned, oae dying a 4M*« time after tha accident Tha injured art: Patrick Joyce, aged Myean, •ingle; died. Michael Car ley, ag«4 % (ingle; Mikity burned. Bernard Farrell. aged C6, married, with fire children; badly burned and ribs broken; will die. Fafeiok Lawtor, aged 88, tingle; badly burned about the bead and face. James Hammond, aged 40, married, with two children; badly boned and cruihed about the hip*. John Raeee, aged 84, married, no children; aererely burned and one arm broken, #»4f. 0W* iMF We have bad this measure accepted by all the leaders of every eeotlon of the National party in Ireland, also outside of Ireland, in America and in every country where, Irish people aiCD to be found. (Cheers.) We have not heard a single voice raised against the bill by any Irishman; (Cheers and cries of *Ob!) certainly not by any Irishman of Nationalist opinion. Of course there are Motions among the Irish Nationalist* Just as they there sections in the great Conservative party. In fact, as far as it la possible for a nation to accept the measure cheerfully, freely, thankfully and without reserve, I say the Irish people have shown that they have so accepted this measure. (Cheers.) Even the terrible Irish World newspaper, which has not been on my side for the last five or six years, sarrthe Irish race, at home and abroad, has signified its willingness to accept ths terms of peace offered by Mr. Gladstone. I say, that as far as the Irish people can aocept this bill they have accepted it without any reserve as a measure which may be considered as a final settlement of a great question. THE LA8T APPEAL. My ool leagues' have, in times past, been reproached because they have not been careful In looking at the effect of their language, and tiw doctrine ot Indirect responsibility has been employed against them to the extent of imprisonment If that doctrine of indirect responsibility were to be employed against Lord Churchill and Mr. Chamberlain, Churchill ought to plead the excuw that he believes In nothing and nobody but himself, so that he could not expect any great importance to be attached to his declarations; while Mr. Chamberlain might say, and say very truly, that he is absolutely ignorant of all the circumstanose of Ireland, his celebrated projected visit there last autumn not having come off, and he really could not know what would be the effect of his language. Gladstone Corrects Sundry Misstate- ments of the OftpMltion. I must say that Mr. Parneil has entered into a careful and elaborate argument on the subject of "Ulsterland," dealing with her as a separata part of Ireland in the course of this evening's debate, and I must aay that that was a statement whioh requires an answer.Mr. Gladstone followed. On arising he was loudly) cheered. He expressed his pleasure at having listened to the masterly exposition of the member from Cork. I feel a strong oonvlction that speeches, couched in a tone marked alike by sound statesmanship and far-seeing moderation, will never tail to produce a lasting effect upon the minds and oocvictiotu of the people of England and Scotland. With respect to the personal question that has arisen between Mr. Parneil and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, I think it no part of my duty to interfere. I «h«ll avoid in the discussion of this matter, as far as I can, all matter* of a purely polemical character between party ana party. I understand a distinct allegation to be made by Mr. Parneil lit regard to some person whose name he has not given, one of a limited body in that limited body. I conclude it will net be difficult to procure, if It can be given, * denial 1 presume a'distinct allegation has been made in regard to some person whose name he does not give. This will open out a matter of public interest, and the gentlemen opposite will do me the Justice to admit that I have not sought before taking offioe to make an attack upon the oonduot they pursue. If they do not like to do me Justice I shall not ask it Now, sir, I want to say one word on the •ubject of Irish loyalists; and in debates of this kind we have at dmM to use words and expressions that it is well should be a Utile hotter understood than they are. When I hear a speech from Mr. Johnston and some others It always appears to me that he is under the pioui conviction that loyalty is Innate in Irish Protestant*, and disloyalty innate in soma other persons. I do believe that Mr. Johnston is under the impression that in all times, in long generations at Irish history, there haabeen this difference between persons who are Protestants and those who are not Protestants. Nor Well, it is a charge whlok baa been ma4e Mid ought to be mot Has Mr. Johnston inquired what was the state ot loyalty in Ireland at the close of the eighteenth century f As regards Roman Catholics, they had then hardly been born into political life. In his time Dean Swift spoke of their Incapacity for politics, and it would be absurd to sptnq of them then as being loyal or disloyal. Bui as to the condition of Catholics at the do* or the last century, I will toll what Buriu has said oa the subject. The date o •i »_ T— *- a-- •  At Hartford—Hattford, 8; Jersey Cltj, % At Washington—Nationals, 6; St Lials, J. At Louisville—Louisville, fl: St Loul-, 4 At New York—New York, .7; Chicago, 7. Darkness caused the celling of the game. At Pittsburg—Allegheny, 8; Cincinnati, ft At Baltimore—Baltimore, 0;. MetropoUtans. 8. At Philadelphia — Philadelphia, S; Detroit, l L j-j ■nljtjri vjwv.-.' k At Boston—Kansas City, 8; Boston, 3. However, we have the result now in one .murder already oommitted in Belfast, and I trust in future members will remember the importance and gravity of ooourrenofls Which may follow In Ulster. Those occurences cannot go further, at the outside, than outrage and assassination, but will depend very much upon what is said cm this subject, and the amount of importance given to the doings of Ulster men." I leave the question of the sovereignty of parliament to go to another point, which Mr. Goschen touched upon. He very fairly told us his fears as to the abuse of power by the Irish priesthood regarding edncationi He has not followed the example of other Illustrious speakers by indulging in extravagant language. Regarding this Catholio- Protestant. question, I may say I am quite sure his apprehension is genuine, as far as it gees, and he does not deeire to see anything in the shape of religious discord in Ireland. Indeed, I .would say that as a Protestant myself, if I had not had abundant experience of the feeling in Ireland, I might not, perhaps, bs inclined to share his fear; but as it is I certainly have no such fear. I think I can assure Mr. Qoschen that we shall be able to settle this question of education very well among ourselves (Cheers.) There are many Liberals- Nationalists, I call them—there are many Liberal Nationalists in Ireland who very much desire to see the people of CJInter sharing the responsibilities or the feeling they have regarding education. I can assure the house that with Ulster in the Irish legislature, with such representatives as we see coming from Ulster to this house, there is not the slightest risk, even ir there were aiyr idea on the part of the Catholic hierarchy of using t'jeir power unfairly against Protestants, t'oat such a thing can ever take place. (Chaeis.) We should be able to settle the quest on to the satisfaction of everybody concerned among ourselves (Cheers ) 1 must remind the house that denominational education wiU undoubtedly be established in Ireland. State Rleetlaas In Orcgeu. " 'J, Postlxkd, Oret, June 8.—The state also* tlon passed off quietly. Returns are coming In slowly by reason of the gnat amount of scratching, and It b difficult to tell whether Pennoy.r (Dem.) or Ooi nelius (Rcjx) Is elected governor, b«t the totter is probably by a small majority. Hermann, the preeent incumbent, is afcotod to ooogrees, and Ko Bride (Bep.) is elected secretary of state. home rule badge which the Parnellitss wear. (Opposition oheera.)*- We know that the truce of God has been proclaimed, and that part of the dark and subterranean forces told off to terrify British opinion are holding their hands though the devil is still working in some parts lof Ireland. (Cheer*) The British democracy may be asked to do justice (Parnelllte cheers), but they will require to eee justice dona. Then will be the time, and I should have thought that the Parnellitss would have used their great influence and vast organisation tS help discover the perpetrators of these vile outrages. I dont say they can da it The matter may have passed beyond their power. We have a right to pause when asked to plaoe the protection of life in Ireland in toe hands of an untutored and new executive and at the sams time rsltnquish the police. (Parnelllte cries of No I No!) We do say, and admit, that these occurrences are to be condemned and should bo stopped, but while Lord Churchill and Mr. Ooechen say they must be put an end to by resorting to ooercion, which they and their friends have been using for the last eightysix years, I would say with Mr. Gladstone, try the effect of self-government (Cheers). Than if the Kerry men resort to outrage, they will very soon find that the rest of Ireland will pat a stop to it (Renewed cheers.) . Mr. Beach began by stating in series  he succinctly described as certain facts, I will not say that his simple facts an pons Action. But Mr. Beach declares, though I do not ses that it has much to do with the matter, that this is the bill of one man. Well, I am amaaed to hear my opponents speak as if they had been I at my elbow all day every aay throughout the winter. Mr. Chamberlain oould only speak within the compass of his knowledge, and if he said it was a bill, of one man he would know no mors about it than a member opposite. But, sir, long before that time the leading details of the Dill had been a matter of anxious consideration between me and my nearest political friends. Ths noble lord's arithmetic is still mors defective. A party of 886 is, I apprehend, by eighty-five votes larger than a party of Mt Then the right honorable gentleman says that, excepting one point, the customs and excise duties, no chsnge was made in the bill after it was flnit sumbitted to tbo cabinet. He has no means at knowing that, if it were true, and it happened to be entirely untrue. This is a matter of great importance, tbougji it is one that has never been seen by Mr. Chamberlain. Mr. Chamberlain took exception to certain provisions of the bill without being acquainted with the whole case. That iaa fact. Mr. Beach is entirely wrong, also, in this one of his simple facts. Then Mr. Beach says that I announced to the house that the bill was not to be reconstructed. I said nothing of the kind. I announced that I had not promised that it Wttthtt InlloilliWi t vMi-it Washington, June &—7eir weather i* In. dictated for the Atlantic coaat its tea, except Florida, where raiae will occur. CONDENSED NEWS. Tan Barry, of MMWcw, lea** of ImI ■ommer'a great lumber etrlkee and pwnhw ef the lefielatere, ie to be put forward ae oaodidate for general marttr wHHfiw mataltT. V. Powderly. t is 1795. I» l» total from a totter o Wyndhftm. He qatlu oa the lublaSffirrsrrffittiatlag ft mora actire connection with our dtotrlot thftt to an object well worthy 01 ever/ noble and enlightened man. It to ft Terr popular Ida*. I g»*« no oplnkM tj Jt »|gct dlf-" in other reepscta, to unqueationabiy k .tap, and aa Important atop, in the direction of jUtM'iuvHMm'tki Mid ba- Mr. Qoechen baa referred to recent events In Ulster, bat before I deal with terrible matter I with to give an explanation, because, as usual, one of the English newspapers perverted for its own purposes what I believe actually took place. (Tremendous Irish cheers.) I am pained to sae that the struggle is alleged to hare arisen oat of an expression used by a Oath olio tea fellow workman, who was a Protestant, to the effect that in a short time none of his persusion would be allowed to earn a crust of bread in Ireland. That, however, doesn't aocurately represent all the facta as reported in the local newspapers. (Cheers and counter cheers) According to them, what took place was this: An overseer of the works found fault with the way in which tin Orange, or at all events a Protestant, workman was digging a drain. The overseer said: "That ii a nice way to do work," whereupon the Orangeman replied to the overseer, who happened to be a Catholic: "What does a Papist know about digging dralnsf (Laughter.) The overseer, irritated, I don't say Justly irritated, because it was absured for him to have been irritated by such a remark, said to the Orangeman: "You wIU never earn another crust of bread in thaee works," meaning that he was diemisssd. Thereupon the Orangemw took his shovel and left his work. I believe as he was going out he was assaulted by one or more of the workmen. (Derisive laughter.) It is very difficult to know what actually took place, but it is of great importanoe that the house should understand the remark in question. It had not a general application, but only an individual one. Continuing, he said that the preeenoe of Irish members at Westminster Was incompatible with a separate Irish parliament, and it would be impossible to include Ulster in a Dublin parliament. The financial and taxation propositions were also inherent defects. He asked if the bill was insuperably tied up with the land schema. "I have seen,'' said Mr. Ooschen, "a correspondence of the premier's in which he stated that the subjects were inseparable. We are entitled to know whether, if the hill is returned in the autumn, it will be aooompanted by another WU." Tbe con-nation of typographical union*, at Plttabure. la ia maion. r' It ii rumored that Mr. Manning will r»- kudu banking at Albany, after ha retina from the cabinet lau Ibnto, Mia nd rn AlUtw Mil. Marx. Dor kin awl two oUMfaa. end • '■ Mr. Ooechen said he would like to know if any ray of light regarding Ulster had penetrated the open mind of the government. Ware they to remain ignorant as to whether the government Intended to ignore Ulster's earnest pleadings! (Irish criee of "What Ulster!" "Why, the same Ulster whloh the premier referred to when he introduced the bill." The premier said at the foreign olBoe that ■a e saw his way t9 a plan, bat be never said what plan. If they were to hear it, it would be only just before the oonclutioo of the debate, when there was no tirae to oarefnVf consider it It was important, as the plan ww —'-1 to effect votes. The Irisk representation in the house led directly U the question of the sovereignty of parliament, whloh, if It was not destroyed, weald bsHeved the Irish mseabws were sin- ▲ boiler exploded at Troy and Mlled Micha.1 Dumrorth and fatally tajand PatrickGaynor. Itwaaao old boilar, no* mad for two ymtn. ■* * Mr. Uoechen «uCued that there Dras great disparity between the Protestant counties, or northeastern couniJis, and the Catholic counties of Ulster. He showed thj disparity to be a great deal larger than it really Is, through the system of comparison ha chose, a system that was not fair, but one thai would show best fir his argument. Undoubtedly there is a disparity between the relative wealth of the northeastern countle* and the other counties, but the same disproportion runs thro ugh Ireland. If yon draw a meridian line through Ireland the country to the east is comparatively poor. The reason is obvious. The country's wealth goes toward the trading ooast The tradC of Ireland, the porta for shipping, the mala distributing canters where business men at should be id, and llm inpo- tlemen opposite who think it t matter a laughter, who pee no diatinotloo between promising that the bill shall not be reconstructed and not having promised that it shall ■ be reconstructed. A person who hat promised that a bill shall be reconstructed is bound to reconstruct it; and is that true! A person who has not promised it free to reconstruct it without promising. I am glad to see that the laughter of the opposltioa has now ceased. Bar. John WUIiamsoQ Nerin, D. IX, * di»tingni»h»d theologian, diad at Lancaatar, Tbt It—iff in and mmnonl— ara tatdto ba abort of ready (took to Oil MM *?££*£ nfT1 was mi y. fnrnitiiii ta kill mdths, died of his bum add nervous Mr. Ooschen spoke about the sovereignty at parliament I agree with the daflnltiaa given by Mr. Brye* We know perfectly