Evening Gazette

              , y PITTSTON, PA., FRIDAY, APRIL 9,18feb. JMBEB 1147 ■mkluiiM I X «U OENTt | Ton Par WMk IRELAND'S DAY. with a domMtic character. Ireland, though represented numerically equal with England and Scotland, had not the lame position. England made her own laws, and Scotland had been encouraged to make her own laws as effectual as If she had six times the present representation. The consequence waa that the mainspring of the law of both England and Scotland was felt to be English and Scotch. The mainspring of the law In Iraland was not felt by the people to b«L Irish. He deemed it little leas than mocking to hold that the state of law which he had described, conduced to the rifcl unity of this great, noble world-wide empil t Something must be done. Something was imperatively demanded from the gpvemment. It was demanded that they restore in Ireland the first conditions of civil life, the free course of law, the liberty of every individual in tlia exercise of every legal right, the confidence of the law, and the sympathy of the people with the law, apart from which no country can be called a civilized country.  taxed It tfosy had legislators hi both countries? - • « THE CIVIL MRVICE. C ■ .i I i ■■ i Also Inland'* Proportion of imperial With respect to the civil service, the government did not think their case was the auns as that of the constabulary, and its transfer to the legislative bcxTy would effect a great economy. He therefore thought it would be wise to authoriaa civil servants to claim the pension that would be due to (hem apon the abolition of their offices, provided they served two yean, in order to prevent inconvenience from a rapid transition of the service, and at the cloee of that time both parties should be free to negotiate afresh. That was all he had to say on the subject of the new Irish constitution. The proportion of imperial burdens which he had to propose that Ireland should bear was as one to fourteen. He thought that the new Irish parliament ought to start with a balance to its credit, but the only fund that it would have if left alone' would be the solitary £80,000 from the Irish church fund. He knew of no way of providing necessary money except by carrying it out of this year's budget, and he proposed that in future Ireland should pay one-fifteenth toward imperial expenditure. He then went on to speak of how much Ireland gained by exporting spirits to Great Britain and how much Great Britain would lose to Ireland by the flow of money from one to the other. As the result of careful inquiry, stated with confidence, not as C an actual demonstration, but as a matter certainty with regard to» the far greater portion, that the Irish receipts gained from Great Britain amounted to no less an amount than £1,400,000. He then entered into elaborate calculations of the total income and expenditure of Ireland, in the course of which he sta ted that the total charge of Ireland as an imperial contribution be put at £8,342,000. He stated as an instance of the intense demoralization of the Irish administration, that while the postofflce in England shoWed a large surplus, in Ireland it just paid its expenses. He estimated the total expenditure of Ireland, including a payment as a sinking fund for the Irish portion of the national debt, at £7,946,000. Against that there was a total income of £8,850,000, or a surplus to the government of £404,000. ■lent; tLat an Irishman is lusus naturae; that justice, common sense, moderation and natural prosperity have no meaning for him; that all he can understand, and all that he can appreciate is itrife and perpetual dissensions. Now, sir, I im not going to argue in this house whether this view is a correct one. I say an Irishman is as capable of loyalty as any other man; but if his loyalty has been checked, why is itl Because the laws by which he Is governed do not present themselves to him as they do to us in England or Scotland, with a native and congenial element. I have no right to say that Ireland, through her constitutionally elected members, will accept the measure I propose. I l-vpe they will, but I have no right to a .Dume it, nor have I any power to enforce it upon Englnml and Scotland, but I rely on the patriotism and sagacity of the house on a free and fuU discussion, and more than all upon the Just and generous sentiments of the two British nations; and looking forward I ask the house, believing that no trivial motive could have driven us to assist in the work we have undertaken—a work which we believe will restore parliament to its free and unimpeded course—1 ask them to stay the waste of the publio treasure under the present system of government and administration in Ireland, which is not waste only, but a waste which demoralizes while it exhausts. public opinion with consternation and alarm. He declared his belief that the bill would never lDe passed and pointed out some of iti inconsistencies. There was no way, he said of Imposing the restriction upon the. authority of the Irish parliament, which the bill suggested. The real foundation of the bill was that the premier had bargained with the Separatist party to give them this measure, which if carried would be one of the most fatal ever proposed in the history of the empire. TAXATION, Gladstone's Long Deferred Policy Announced in the House. The Fiscal Unity of the Empire to He believed that Great Britain would7 never impose upon Ireland taxation without representation. If they were to have taxation without representation, then came another question which raised a practical difficulty, were they to give up that fiscal unity of the empire. He did not think that by giving up the fiscal unity of the empire they were giving up the complete unity of the empire. He, however, stood upon the sub* stantial ground that to give up the fisca) unity of the empire would be a public inconvenience and misfortune; it would be a great misfortune for Great Britain, and a greater misfortune for Ireland. Remain* HOME BU£E PEOPOSED On motion of Ur. Chamberlain the debate was adjourned. * ▲a Irish Parliament in Dublin, With Mr. William Vernon-Harcourt stated that Mr. Gladstone would move to give precedence to debate upon his Irish measure. Leffttlntfre Powers. Mr. Gladstone jeft the house ten minutes after completing his speech. He suffered somewhat from the reaction after the excitement attending the delivery of his bpeech, and was obliged to retire to rest immediately after dinner. Hi Tins* Has Arrived When Parlia- ment Mast Act—Harmony To Be Es- He conceived that one escape from that di- Innma would be such an arrangement as would give authority to levy customs duties and such excise duties as were immediately "connected with customs. The conditions of such an arrangement were that the general power of taxation over and above those particular duties should pass unequivocally into the hands of the domestic legislature in Ireland.tablished Between England, Scotland and Ireland tJp«n an Equal Footing aad With Common Intereste—The THE LONDON PRESS THE PROBLEM DEFINED, Boldest Declaration of Any Modern Generally Not In Sympathy With the Premier's Plan. To Beconclle Imperial Unity With Diver- sity of Legislatures. All the morning papers contain columns of comment on Mr. Gladstone's home rule scheme, and his address in speaking to the bill which he laid before the house of commons, of which the following are the salient point!: London, April ft—The events in the house of commons yesterday are without exception to be classified in history as among the greatest that have ever happened. The spectacle presents itself of a British premier pleading for the repeal of the union and aiding the Irish leader to wring from the British government right for her best friend, most faithful atty, truest sister and most foully dealt with want—Erin. And all this has been the result of moral suasion, education of the masses, light of civilization in the Nineteenth century and the Influence of advanced civilization in America. What, then, was the problem before him I It was this: How to reconcile imperial unity with a diversity of legislatures. Mr. Qsattan held that those purpaCes were reconcilable; more than that, ho demanded a severance of the parliament with a view to the continuity and everlasting unity of the empire. "Was that an audacious paradox?" he asked. "Other countries had solved the problem, and under more difficult circumstances.- We ourselves might be said to have solved it with respect to Ireland during the time that Ireland had a separate parliament. Did it destroy the unity of the British empire!'' (Cheers.) Secondly, that the proceeds of customs duties and excise should be held for the benefit of Ireland, and for the discharge of the obligations of Ireland; and the payment of the balance after these obligations were discharged should bo entered into the Irish exchequer and be for the free disposal of the Irish legislative body. The bill then provided that representatives of Ireland should no longer sit in the house of commons, or Irish peers sit in the house of lords; but at the same time they would have the right of- addressing the crown, and so possess all the oonstitutional rights they held now. (Cries of OhI Oh! and cheers.) The Daily News sayst It is difficult to forecast the (ate ef the scheme, or even to say how it will fare in ita progress through the house. Mr. Trevelyan's attitude was more serious than the Conservative and Orange opposition combined, and In all probability indicates the stand wMch Messrs. Hartington, Chamberlain and Goschen will take. APPEAL TO THE HOUSE. America Complimented—Let Briton Rise I ask them to show to Europe and America that we, too, can face the political problems which America had to face twenty years ago, and which many countries in Europe have been called upon to face and have not feared to deal with. I ask that we shall practice as we have often preached, and that in our own case we should be firm and fearless- in applying the doctrines , we have often inculcated in others—that the concessions of local selfgovernment is not the way to sap and impair, but to strengthen and consolidate unity. I ask that we should learn to rely lees on merq.written stipulation; more on those better stipulations written on the heart and mind of man. I ask that we should apply to Ireland the happy experience we have gained in England and Scotland, where a course of generations has now taught us^—not as a dream, a theory, bat as a matter of practice and life— that the best and surest foundation we can find to build on is a foundation afforded by the affections and convictions and will of man, and that it Is thus by the decre* of the Almighty far more than by any other method we may-be entitled to secure at once the social happiness, tue power and the.pernianance of the empire. to the Occasion. The Telegraph says of the speech that as a dialectical display it was admirable, but the orator proposed the most revolutionary step ever submitted to parliament. Mr. Gladstone referred to the case of Norway and Sweden, which countries were united upon a footing of strict legislative independence add co-equality. Then there was the case of Austria and Hungary; and with regard to those countries, he asked whether the condition of Austria at the present moment was not more perfectly solid, secure and harmonious than prior to the existing conditions between that country and Hungary. It could not be questionod that its condition was one of solidity and safety as compared with the timo when Huugavy was making war upon her. The claims of Ireland to make laws for herself was never denied until the reign of George II. The parliament of Grattan was as independent in point of authority as it could be. The government was not about to propose the repeal of the union. It was impossible to propose the repeal of the union until they had settled what was the essence of union, and he defined the essence of the union to be, that before the existence of the union there were two separate and independent parliaments, but after the formation of the union there was but one. To speak of the dismemberment of the empire was in this century a misnomer and an absurdity. Two men in England to-day stand peerless and like gigantic pillars of progress, obelisk* of human intellect towering far above the head* of the factors of history in Europe, to remain supreme in their century, the symbols of truth, manhood and freedom in all future It would, therefore, relieve the Irish members from attendance at Westminster, and he had several reasons why this should be the case. Even if it were possible for them to do so, they had a parliament of their own, and it would be very difficult to have two classes of members in the house —one class who could vote on all questions connected with the business of the country, au& another which could only vote on special and particular questions which were brought before parliament. Again, it would be very difficult for gentlemen in Ireland to decide who should go to Westminster, or who should remain in Ireland, and at the same time to maintain the fiscal unity of the nation. There was another point With regard to the powers of the legislature, two courses might have been taken. One was to endow the legislative body with particular legislative powers, the other was to except from the sphere of its actioityhoae subjects which they thought ought to excepted, and to lend to it every other, power. The latter plan had been adopted. The Post admits that Mr. Gladstone made a great oration, but asserts that friends and foes alike are astonished at the crudity of his plan, which it believes has no chanoe of adoption. The Morning Chroniclb, alluding to the reception of the oration, says it was in strango contrast to that tendered the orator. Mr. Gladstone arose amid frenzied enthusiasm, but at the conclusion of his speech there were only Hibernian yells of delight. TO PASS GOOD LAWS Not Enough, Unless Thev Be Passed By Too Hot for Edward. Proper Persons. London, April 9.—Mr. Edward Heneage, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, has resigned from the ministry. Continuing, Mr. Gladstone said: It has naturally been said in England and Scotland that we, for a great mfny years past, have been struggling to pass good laws for Ire- Mud. W e have sacrificed our time, neglected our interests and paid our money, and we have done all this in an endeavor to give Ireland good laws. That is quite true with regard to the general course of legislation since 1849. Jfgay of those laws have been passed under an influence which I can hardly dascribe as the influence of fear. THE DEERFIELD ACCIDENT. Complete List of the Dead and Injured so Far as Known. Boston, April 9.—These bodies have been found and are at Shelburne Falls: Viola Littlejohn, O. Littlejohn, E. F. TVhltahouse, of Boston; Charles Temple, a commercial traveler well known throughout New England. He was a high Mason. Eight bodies weri taken to Springfield early this forenoon. Mr. Gladstone resumed* his seat amidst a burst of cheers, which lasted many minutes. THE POWER CONFERRED, With regard to the history of the land question no man could know that until he had followed it from year to year, beginning with the Devon commission, the appointment of which, in my opinion, did the highest honor to the memory of Sir Robert PeeL (Cheers). And then to examine the mode in which the whole labors of that commission had been frustrated by the dominion of selfish interest He did not deny the good intentions of the British parliament to pass good laws for Ireland, but in order to work out the purposes of government there was something more in this world occasionally required than the passing of good laws! (Hear! hear!) It was sometimes necessary not only that good laifc should be passed, but also that they should be passed by the proper persons. The passing of many good laws was not enough in cases where the strong instinct of the 'people, distinct marks of character, situation and history, required not only that tfaeee laws should be good, but that they should proceed from congenial and native sources, and that besides good" laws, they should be their own laws. WHY HE RESIGNED. WHERE THE TROUBLE LIES. Defining the Scope of the Proposed Mr. Trevelyan Explains Why He Left Nicholas Gargan, of Greenfield, agent of the Fleischmann Yeast company, had his shoulder fractured and was injured internally. W. H Wilcox, living near Syracuse, N. Y., was injured slightly. GLA.D8TOWX. Parliament. Mr. George Otto Trevelyan, who reoeotty resigned the secretaryship for Scotland, upon quiet being restored, in accordance with his previous announcement that he* would explain his reason for resigning from the cabinet, arose and said that he resigned with regret, but without any hesitation, as staying in the cabinet would have been a confession on his part of affiliation with a Liberal Home Rule party. I could never consent to Mr. Gladstone's scheme, he 'continued. A total separation was preferable. The country would then know the worst He would propose, he concluded, to maintain law and order by means of a central government with freely elected bodies who would be responsible for local government the Cabinet. The Administrative System of Ireland of Kngllah Origin. The administrative power would pass with the*legislative power. The duration of the proposed legislative body should not exceed five years. The functions, which it was proposed to withdraw from the cognisance of the legislative body were three grand and principal functions—namely: Everything which related to the crown; that which belonged to the defense, the army, the i.»vy, the entire organization of armed force, and to our foreign colonial relations. ages, undimmed by time, unstained by partisan gall. until this world shall be rolled up as a scroll, and be blotted from the systems of the heavens and planets. Tbeee men are William E. Gladstone and Charles 8. Parnell. The fault of the administrative system of Ireland was that its spring and source of action was English. (Cheers.) The government therefore felt that the settlement of the question was to be found by establishing a parliament in Dublin for the conduct of both legislative and administrative matters. The political economy of the three countries must be reconciled. There should be an equitable distribution of imperial burdens; next, there must be reasonable safeguards for the minority; and why could not the minority in Ireland take care of itself I Mr. Gladstone said that he had no doubt about its ability to do that when we have passed through the present 'critical period and disarmed the jealousies with which any change was approached. But, for the present, there were three classes of people whom they were bound to consider—first, the class connected with the land; second, the civil servants and officers of the government in Ireland, and third, the Protestant minority. He could not admit the claims of the Protestant minority in Ulster, or elsewhere, to rule questions which were for the whole of Ireland. Several schemes for Ulster had been submitted to him. One was that the Ulster provinos 'should be excluded from the operations of the bill; another, that a separate autonomy should be provided for Ulster, and a third suggested that certain rights should be reserved, aud their administration placed under thi- oontrol of provincial councils. No one of cheee proposals had appeared to the gov jrnment to be so completely justified by its merits or the weight of public opinion in it favor as to warrant them in including it in the bill. He ended, however, by saying tlat these proposals deserved fair consideration in the free discussion that would follow the introduction of the bill, and they might lead to the discovery of one plan which had a predominating amount of support, when the government would do their best to adopt the plan that seemed likely to give general satisfaction. 1  Letters were found at the wreck addressed to Dr. J. W. Priest, Littleton, N. Y Ha was found here only slightly hurt John Crowley, of North Adams, who was on the train, became wildly insane. These two men have reached out to each across tne deep and filthy chasnj of bigotry, ignorance, hatred and injustice awl grasped each hands, pledging themselves to right a great, a hoary, deeply-rooted wrong, despite the opposition of an empire. Manager Looks, of tbe State road, if Id that on the forenoon before the accident one of the heaviest engines on the qoad passed with a heavy train over the spot where the accident occurred, and that the trackmen did not not notice anything unusual about the ground. It would not be competent to pass a law for the establishment or endowment of any particular religion. (Cheers.) As to trade and navigation, it would be a misfortune to Ireland to be separated from England. And they have reached the crisis. Thfc Irish leader hears with swelling breast and filling eyes the greatest of Great Britain's statesmen introduce and explain a bill for the repeal of the union and for—Home Rule for Ireland! What a spectacle I Conductor Foster of the wrecked train said he was almost certain that other bodi"a would be found under the cars that now lie in the river. One woman is unaccounted for. The water in-the river at present, however, is bo high that the correctness of the suspicion cannot be ascertained. The work on a portion of the wreck will be discontinued until Saturday, in the hope that by that time the water in the river will hava subsided. The Irish parliament would have nothing to do with coining or legal tender. The (abject of postofllee would-be left to the judgment of parliament, though the government was inclined to the view that it would be more convenient to leave poetoffloe matters in the hands of the postmaster general. The ex-secretary's remarks were listened to in silence by all but the Parnellltes, who frequently broke forth in derisive, cheers. History never saw its superior—scarcely ever saw its equal. At times I have doubted whether this necessity has been fully developed, and especially with respect to Ireland. If doubts could have bean entertained before the last general election they cannot now be entertained. The principle he had laid down he was laying down for Ireland exceptionally. It was the very principle upon which, within his recollection and to the immense advantage of the country, parliament had not only altered but had revolutionised our methods of government When he held office at the colonial office fifty years ago the colonies were governed from Downing street The result was that the home goveminent was always in conflict with these countries which had legislative assemblies. They had continual shocks then, but all that had beon changed. The British parliament had tried to pass good laws for the colonies, but the colonies said, "We don't want your good laws. We want our own good laws." Parliament admitted the reasonableness of the principle. It had now come home to tit from seas, and the house had now to consider whether it was applicable to the cose of Ireland. They now stood face to face with what was termed Irish nationality, venting itself in a demand for general self government in Irish—not In Imperial affairs. PAFJN ELL'S COMMENTS. Quarantine and one or two other subjects were left ih the same category. He Indorses the Bill In the Main—Some Defect*. THE GREAT SPEECH Mr. Parnell followed Mr. Trevelyan, and w house with rapt atten- GjBdston* Coauarn Over Three Hoars The next subject he had to approach wu that of the composition of the propoaed legislative body. The bill he proposed to introduce provided for two orders which would sit and deliberate together, with the right of voting separately on" occasion, and on demand of either body, which should be able to interpose a veto upon any measure for a limited time, either until the dissolution or for three years.  ub listened to by the 1 Dn. Referring to Mr "c. a parnkll. au Trevelyan'a sugges- The following is a complete list pi £he killed and wounded •so far as found: FhmbUd| HI* Plan. jns for the future government of Ireland, he nid that the latter's ;rude plan would find no ■oort from those who undergtooi the conins necessary to Irei welfare. He conilated the ex-secrefor Scotland on .ikenefss to the Frenoh general who untccessfully defended E. E. Hayden, Blanford, Mass.; Charles Temple, Waltham, Mass.; Charles Durban, South Boston; J. R Gould, Milbnry, Muss : Viola Littlejohn, North Adams; Oscar Li (Upjohn, North Adams; Engineer* HerU.-rt Littlejohn, North Adains; Ed. Whiten, use, Boston; Mark F. Spencer, Waltham, Moss.; Merritt Seely, Boston. THE KILLED. The premier begaB at 4:35 and finished at 8 'o'clock precisely. Every salient point was irnoeived with vociferous applause, and at the 'coalition his supporters tendered him a pertfMt oration, the cheering lasting many minaUa.Mr. Gladstone said that be could wish that it had been possible to expound to the house the whole policy and intention of the gov eminent with reference to Ireland. Tbe questions of tbe land and of the Irish government were closely and inseparably connected. It were an Impossible task elucidating both questions together. Continuing, he said: "I donVknow of any previous task laid upon me involving so diversified an exposition. In contemplating the magnitude of the task I am fitted with painful mistrust, but that mistrust is absorbed in the feeling of responsibility that will be upon me if 1 should fail to bring home to the public mind tbe magnitude of the various aspects of the question.*' We should no longer fence and skirmish with this question. (Loud cheers.) We should come to close quarters with it. (Cheers.) We should get at the root of it take ""in, not merely for the wants of to-day or to-morrow, but look into the distent future. We have arrived at a stsge in our political transactions with Ireland where two roads part, one from the other, uot soon probably to meet again. The time is come when," in duty and honor, parliament Crust corns to some decisive resolution on this matter. Our intention is to propose to the house of ORDERS ESTABLISHED. Michael Dorgan, of Qreenfleld, seriously; A. D. Cornell, of Shelburne Falls, slightly; C. F. Bell, of Nashua, N. H., badly, but not fatally; Conductor John Foster, slightly; E. B. Stone, slightly; J. P. Fowler, of Cambridge, slightly; A. C. Harvey, of Boston, badly, but not dangerously; A. K. Warner, of Qreenfleld, slightly; F. S. Hagar, of Greenfield, slightly; Miss A. Derby, slightly; Mail Agent Putney, of Eagle Bridge, slightly; Henry C. Couillard, of Charlemont, badly; J. E Priest, of Littleton, N. H.;, Charles Richardson, of North Adams, lost a linger; D. L. Crandall, of Athol, severely shaken up, but not seriously hurt; Express Messenger R. L Streeter, ef Troy, N. Y, slightly; E. H. Arnold, of North Adams, slightly; Miss Cornell, of Shelburne Falls, slightly; Mr. Wilcox, . living near Syracuse, N. V., slightly; Ellsha Cornell, of Shelburne Falls, 'slightly; Aaron Lewis (colored), the .porter of the palace car, slightly; J. B. Sturtevant, baggagemaster, slightly; Walter Parker, a brokemon, Cambridge, N. Y., badly injured; G. W. Dunnell, Boston, badly bruised; Miss Mary Go wing, Poughkeepsie, N. Y., severely bruised; Henry A. Scribner, mail agent, Waltham, slightly injured; J. M. Watluns, Owego, N. Y., i jured internally; C. M Pock ham, of Orange, and F. FD French, of Boston, are still missing. THE INJURED. Peers for Life—Representative* Elected The orders would be constituted as follows: First, there were the twenty-eight representative peers who could not continue to sit in the house of lords after the representatives of the Irish people left this house. They would have the option of sitting as • portion of the ilrst order in t he Irish parliament, with the power of sitting for life. Some people thought that option was not likely to be largely used, but he was not of that number. (Cries of Heau'I Hear!) By the People. Paris on his own plan— a plan, however, which did not seem to awaken much enthusiasm. Ur. Parnell then proceeded to justify many of his past utterances which Mr. Trevelyan in his speech had taken occasion to impugn. Speaking of America and what Trevelyan called the assassination literature over there, he Baid that most literature was neither American nor Irish. If Mr. Trevelyan would take the trouble to study American literature he would find that at this moment American writers were full of sympathy for the just settlement of the grievances of Ireland by consistent domestic legislation. This feeling was, indeed, shown by all classes in America. Native born Americans were especially hopeful that Mr. Gladstone's efforts would result in the establishment of a permanent peace between England and Ireland. HISTORY RECALLED. The Irish Parliament Had the Spirit of Be proposed that with the twenty-eight peers now in the house of lords, there should sit seventy-live representatives elected by the Irish people. With regard to the power* of election, tha constituency would be composed of occupiers of land of the value of £25 and upwards, and the representatives would ba elected for ten years. The property qualification of representatives would be £J0) annual value, or a capital of £4,000. He proposed that the 101 Irish members in this house should be members of the Irish parliament, and while the first order of the •legislative body would consist of 103 members, the second order would consist of 206. Freedom. LOCAL PATRIOTISM, Referring to the great settlement of 1782, Mr. Gladstone said that it was not a real settlemen|M»*nd why? "Was it Ireland that prevented a real settlement being made? No, it was the mistaken policy of England in listening to a pernicious voice and claims of ascendancy. The Irish parliament labored under great disadvantages, yet it had in it a spark of the spirit of freedom, and emancipated Roman Catholics in Ireland when Roman Catholics in England were still unemancipated. It received Lord Fitzwilliam with open arms, and when, after a brief career, he was recalled from England, the Irish Parliament registered their confidence in him by passing a i)esolution desiring that he should still administer the government. Lord Fitzwilliam had promoted the admission of Roman Catholics to the parliament, and there was a spirit in that parliament, which, if it had had tree scope, would have done noble work and have saved this government infinite trouble." Irishmen Made True to Ireland by Common Sufferings. The conclusion, Mr. Gladstone said, 1 bold is that there is such a thing as locai patriotisir, which in itself is not bad, but good. (Cheers.) The Welchman is full of local patriotisn* the Scotchman is full of local patriotism; the Scotch nationality is as strong as it ever was, and if the need were to arise I believe it would be as ready to assert itself as it was in the days of Bannockburn. (Loud cheers.) If 1 have read Irish history aright, misfortune and calamity have wedded her sons to their soil with an embrace yet closer than is known elsewhere, and the Irishman is still more profoundly Irish. But it does not follow that because his local patriotism is strong that he should be incapable of an imperial patriotism. There are two modes of presenting the subject, which have been argued. One is to present what we now recommend as good, and the other is to present it as a choice of evils, and as the laser among the varied evils with whioh, as possibilities, we are confronted. Well, I hate argued the matter as if it Bad been a choice of evils. I have recognized as facts, and as entitled to attention, jealousies -which I myself do not share or feel; I have argued it on that ground as the only ground on which it can be recommended, not only to a mifed auditory, but to the public mind or to the country, that cannot give minute investigation to ijl portions of this complicated question. I do not know whether it may appear too bold, but in my own heart I cherish the hope that this is not merely a choice of lesser evils but that it may be proved to be ere long a' good in ltoelf. (Loud and long continued cheers.) Mr. Parnell further said.that at this time it was quite impossible for him to be thoroughly familiar with the provisions of the bill which Mr. Gladstone had just laid before the house. He, therefore, reserved the expression of a full opinion on the premier's scheme until he had carefully examined the measure in detail, but he believed that the main points of the plan which Mr. Gladstone had expounded would, if carried into successful operation, not only prove beneficial from an Irish point of view, but, he believed, would also be found to be of equal benefit to England. commons that, which if happily accepted, will liberate parliament from the restraints under which, of late years, it has ineffectually struggled to perform the business of the country, and that which will restore legislation to its natural, ancient and unimpeded -course; and above all establish harmonious relations between Great Britain and Ireland (hear! hear!) on a footing of those free institutions to which Englishmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen alike are unalterably attached.  THE VICEROY RETAINED. Kellffious Disabilities Iteuioved— Irish Philadelphia, April, 9.—Fire yesterday in the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts burned many valuable paintings and many pieces of statuary ware damaged. The loss cannot be estimated, as much that was burned could not be replaced by money. One of the largest paintings burned was Harrison's "Hord de Mer." Valuable Fainting* Burned. Judiciary Appointed. It was proposed to retain the viceroy, but he would not be the representative of a party or go out of office with the outgoing government. The queen would be empowered to delegate to him any prerogative she now enjoyed or would enjoy. The religious disability now existing would be removed. With regard to judges who had been concerned in the administration of criminal law in Ireland, her majesty might, if she saw fit, cause by order in council, an antedate of the pensions of those particular judges but in future the judges would be appointed by the Irish government, and bo paid out of the consolidated fund, and be removable only on a joint address of the two orders. The constabulary would remain under the present terms of service and under tlie present authority. The charge for constabulary was now £1,600,000 annually, and he felt confident that the charge would be ' reduced; but for the present he proposed to relieve the Irish legislative body of all expenditures for constabulary inexcessof £1,000,000 per annum. The government had no desire to exempt the peace of Ireland, in reference to its final position, from the ultimate control of the Irish legislative body. He had no jealousy on that subject, as the care of providing for the ordinary security of life and property »■ the first duty •C a local governmanL COERCIVE LEGISLATION The premier said he would now pass to the plan of how to give Ireland a legislature to deal with Ireland, as distinguisheJ from imperial affairs. (HearI Hear!) He was confronted at the outB-t with what he felt to be a formidable dilenuv D• Ireland was to hare a domestic legislature for Irish affairs. That was his' postulate from which be set out Wore Irish members and Irish representative peers in either house to continue to be part of the representative Assemblies I The bill, however, he said, was imperfect on some points, and would need careful revision. The finance propositions especially, he thought, were unfavorable' to Ireland, particularly with regard to the Irish tribute to the imperial exchequer. Mr. Parnell also criticized the proposed "two orders,'.' which Mr. Gladstone suggested for the composition of the Irish parliament. Apart from its defects, a few of which he had attempted to enumerate, be believed the measure would be cheerfully accepted by the Irish people and their representatives as a satisfactory solution of the long standing dispute between the two countries, and tending to promote the peace of Ireland and the satisfaction of England. la I.Ike • Man Taking Madlciue fur Sus- tenance. Washington, " April 9.—Politically the vote on the silver bill stood: Against unlimited coinage: Republicans, 93; democrats, 71—163, For unlimited coinage: Republicans, 30; Democrats, 96—186. Silver Coinage Defeated. After reviewing the conditions of crime in Ireland since 1888, Mr. Gladstone described coercive legislation, not as exceptional but as habitual, comparing Ireland to a man trying to find sustenance in a medicine only meant for a cure. But coercion had proved no cure. Serious disaffection continued to prevail in Ireland, and if England and Scotland bad suffered similar hardships he believed the people of those countries would resort to Mmilar means as did the Irish to ventilate their grivaaces. (Cheers {rpmtheParnellites.) Coercion was admitted to be a failure, flor the past fifty-three years there had beAl only two wholly free from repressive legislation. Coercion, unless stern and unbending, and under an autocratic government, must fail. Such coercion England should nevec resort to until every other means had failed. What was the basis of the whole mischief was that the law was discredited in Ireland, it came to them with a foreign aspect, and ithair alternative to ooarcion was to strip the t»w its foreign character, and invest it Tire Jersey City Bridge. He thought it would be perfectly clear that if Ireland was to have a domestic legislature' Irish poers and Irish representatives could not oome to the house of commons to control English and Scotch affairs. (Cheera) Then, with regard to the question whether Irish representatives should come to tbe house of commons for the settlement of imperial affairs, he thought that could not be done He bad, therefore, arrived at the conclusion that .rish members and Irish peers ought not to sit in the palace of Westminster. (Cries of Oh! Oh! and cheers.) If Irish members were not to sit in the house of commons, Irish poers ought not to sit in the other housr j!" parliament. CCrie, of IIjar! Hear! and Oh I Oh!) How were the Irish people to be Trenton, April V.—The senate last night adopted a substitute for the Jersey City tunnel bill under which either a tunnel or a bridge can be built at the "Gap," at Washington street, Jersey City. , When Mr. Parnell took his seat the Irish members rose In a body, cheering vociferously for some time. They were Joined by Mr. Gladstone's supporters. New York, April 9.—The game between the Metropolitan ltd Newark baseball clnbs, in Newark, yesterday, terminated in a row in the fourth inning. The quarrel arose out of the rulings of the umpire. BaseballisU Fight There is, I know, an answer to this, and what is the answer! The aaswar is only found iu a view which n*ta upon a basis of detpair, of the absolute condemnation of Ireland and Irishmen as exception* to the beneficial provisions whioh hare made, In genor%l, Europeans, and is particular Englishmen and Americans enable of self-govmi- PLUNKET KICKS. He Predicts the Defeat of the Bill—Ad- Store of the Oregon's Mall. The Right Hon- D. R. Plunket, member for Dublin university, in a brief speech predicted that tbe measure would be greeted by Jonrned. Atlantic City, N. J., April®.—Two sacks 'of newspapers .from the steamship Oregon were picked up off shore, and will be shipped hence to New Yorfc