Pittston Gazette

              5* r D;• KXTABi.rsnED isr«o. i VOL. XI.III. NO. SM. ( Oldest Newspaper in the Wyoming-Valley. IMTTSTON. LUZERNE CO., 1*A., FRIDAY, MARCH 3, 189.'!. A Weekly Local and Family Journal. f $1.SO PER AWNtTM I IN ADVASCE. Roy * T £ RGY i ?ST away. But L nact nrD doubt as to ray answer, and I was about to give it when I bethought mo that as my liberty depended in a great measure on this man's good will it would not be wise either in my own interest or De Gex's to meet his proposals with the indignant refusal which was on the Up of my wardens to fetch your effi "Thank you, monsieur.' "Citizen, if you please, C mine was a great stickler republican proprieties. lie came up to us. sin GLADSTONE'S ADDRESS tun: pi-notl. i .itsis written broadcast upon the liisuti y of tin'time. Genuine lational sentiment in the sense of national unity L:|(l at en'.' time prevailed among the north of Ireland Protectanis, speec to t tor« A Thorny Subject. otner sine, irciana takes over the whole of the civil charges with the exception of the constabulary charges of £:!,110,000, inland revenue £100,000 and postal service £790,- 000. We propose that Ireland shall take part of the constabulary charges, amounting to £1,000.000. This will bring the Irish charges to £'5,160,000. We propose that she shall receive against that the items I hare put to her credit, amounting to $5,660,000. Thus she will have a clear surplus of £500,- JK) with which to start on her mission. "I will now release the house from the painful consideration of details which It has pursued with unexampled patience. I have tried to convey the fundamental conception and spirit of the scheme. I submit that the plan may be imperfect, but I hope it will receive impartial consideration. A I- . though there may be friendly and unfriendly criticism, I hope I shall not give offense when I express my deep conviction that m plan closely resembling this, if not the present proposal of an identical' legislative chamber for Ireland, may shortly become law. There is one risk, and that is if this controversy is unduly and unwarrantedly prolonged the demand for self government in regard to Irish affairs may become a demand for the repeal of the union and the establishment of dual supremacy in islands. I hope that the ship of state will be steered from that rock. Car- he air of a man who nt to impart six yeajv, but iu altering oottstftueucit'# ti l.-ower of tlie trembly will be limited I "If some large question or controversy in British affairs should then come up, causing a deep and vital severing of the two great, parties in this house, and the members of lliix-e parties knew that they could bring over W members from Ireland to support their views, I am afraid a ease like that would open a possible door to wholesale dangerous political intrigue. My colleagues found themselves not well able to face a contingency of that kind. They inserted in the bill limitations on the voting power of the Irish members to exclude them, first, from voting on a bill or motion expressly confined to Great Britain; second, from voting on a tax not levied upon  land; third, from voting on a vote of or appropriation of money otherwise than for the imperial services; fourth, from voting c,ri any motion or resolution exclusively uSteetiag Great Britain. ill he sauL "The n of C'apt. do Hex will lw i In* «U elaratary neD, reguul must be lu«l to tlic distribut ion of population. The bill liin-st include a provision. for meeting w hat is called a deadlock.ft tl I Crowning Effort of the Great them alter, not. through their owji fault, are not readily to lie persuaded that t hey will We who have seen "I be? your pardon, citirc going to ask you if I might I have something to saD ; Gex." a. I was the morning, and on Thursnst be en route f ir Italy. 1 Home Ruler's Life. BY WILLIAJi WESTALL i the r y orders. I hop; not alter back. their own ancestors, and with their own blood and their own people form one in noble, glorious unity." incuts oi [COJTCUSUKD ] trmmiA "In a case where a bill lias been adopted by the assembly more than once, and where there is an interval of two. years between two r.doptions, or a dissolution of par liament, then upon its .second adoption the two assemblies may Ire' required to meet, and the fate of the bill is to be decided in joint assembly. Next, all appeals shrill lie to the privy council alone, not to the council and the lords. The privy counfH may tvy the question of the invalidity of au\ Irish act—that is, try it judicially and with reasonable judgment under Ihe initiative of the viceroy or secretary of state. This judicial committee is no".' recognized by us as the only approach we c.in make to the supreme court, of the United States. In composing this judicial committee due re card must be had to the different element* of nationality. We have not apprehended any difficult v there. "iljw many men had you7" "Twenty." "And the brig?" "What do you say to my offer, M. ficy? Is it not sufficiently brilliant?" he repeated, "Yon may, citizen. I never object to my friends going inside, though it h sometimes my duty to prevent them from going out." friend, M. Roy?" hould I tell him? I 1 SPOKE TWO AUD ONE-HALF HOURS. but instead of help- ikcd at I'.ncluiid's Keeling to Komn llule. "Her full complement would be about two hundred." "So brilliant that I hardly realize it. It dazz.es me. liut it is not easy to make up one's mind to leave a service in which one has achieved a little distinction and made many friends. And there aru family considerations. What would my father say if I were to desert t■-D the enemy?" parte out she murmured s hint? Alluding to English feeling toward Irish home rule, Mr. Gladstone said he would refrain from urging that England wouKl find herself exhausted aud her work mad • impracticable by resistance to Iri ;h de mands. Jle could wt-ll conceive England maintaining, if so minded, resistance to Irish demands, but England's' conversion anting to speak to Jlurat, aud A Remarkable Oration In tlie British "And yet you dared to attack her with twenty!" I found the chevalier wr.lkii: matically to and fro in t room, and so absorbed in though until I touched his arm, he di J n serve my presence. left in in the lurch. Homo Ituh' liiJI Kxphinvd In Detail House of Conunoiis Feb. Ill, ISO.'?—Ilia common I ii m v y sorry, genera!,'' I 1 gan, Am id Grout XCxritentent—He Vouches "Why not? If you begin to count odds in war you will do nothing'. I f Clive had counted odd» at Plassey the English would have won India: Oex I know what yon fire £•» y," interrupted the general For Irish Patriotism—Favors Imperial tTnit —An Eloquent Peroration "Let "You would not desert. I do not ask yoii to desert. You would resign your commission; and you have as much right to serve France as your father has to live in England. Tell him that your conscience will no longer allotv you to tight for the enemies of your country— that you have decided to throw in your lot with the generous nation without whose help America would never have obtained her independence. He will know how to appreciate your motives." "I have brought you good r chevalier," I said. "Not only is life to be spared, but in a day or probably to-morrow—your prison C will be opened, and you will be £ man." the IDeatl Pastllury Its Dead" 1—Features to home rule had 1." C n rapid. In lrD i Kng land's majority adverse to liome rule was 211. It had iiowiloclined to71. In the face of such a fact, who would guarantee the , permanence of tlie opposition of the re mainder? lie would now ask the patient indulgence of the house while givin if your Gen. Bonaparte had counted odds at Areola he would not have conquered Italy." ,! Don't tall-: to me of the a man who lived at hit of tli? New mil. he whole subject is full of thorns aud brambles, but our object is the autonomy of self government of Ireland in all matters properly Irish. The Irish people certainlv did not raise the difficulty to which-1 have just alluded—the retention of Irish members in the house. This is a secondary matter in their eyes and ought not to interfere with their principal aim. In face of the feeligg that a shade of uncertainty still hangs over the quest ion of retention of the Irish merulxTs we have affixed to the para•D' pb concerning this question the words, excepting and until parliament shall determine the coming financial legislation.' "I wish to supply the keynote to the financial part of the legislation. That keynote is to be found in the provision included in our plans from the first aad wisely and generously acceded to by Ireland through her representatives, that there is to be but one system of legislation for all the thiee kingdoms. As far as external thirurs are concerned, that will lie found to entail very Important consequences. It has guided us to the conclusion at which we have arrived of unity of the commercial legislation for the kingdoms. This includes custom and excise duties, post office and telegraph. By adopting this keynote we can attain to the most valuable results and wiil be likely to avoid the clashing friction of agents of the imperial and agents of the Irish movement. We can make under cover of this proposal a larger and more liberal transfer to Ireland in trie management ot ner own atlmrs than we could make if we proceeded onany other principle. We hope to escape in this way all collection in the interior of Ireland of any revenue whatever by imperial authority.S of The following is n full report of the great speech of William E. Gladstone on home rule for Ireland in tue house of commons "You are right. It is audacity that wins. L'audaee, toujours l'audace, as Danton said. But they say you played the spy and were in league with the royalists." London wh country na The chevalier, rather to my sur put his arms round my neck and 1, me on both cheeks. 1 in a str for existence iUl IXC in;»-s of Europe. 1 and him perfectly. He is one ol 10 believe that it were bet■e to perish than not be ■oaleseed "I way without impropriety remind the house that- the voices which usually pleaded the cause of Irish self government- in Iri j a "fairs have, within these walls dur- rvb. 13, 1 count of the bill. lie could not undertake to mipply a more table of contents. The bill, if he did, would prohably bewilder his hearers. lie would rather seek to present the salient point -, hoping to leave a living impression on the m inds and memories of '"Other clauses .provide for tlie security of the emoluments of existing judges anil of officers gen;-ra!ly. Then there is a clause intended to correspond with the colonial validity law, the effect of which is that 'I the Irish legislature should jihss any act u; any way contrary to the acts of the in:p»" rial parliament such law shall be good, ex cept in so far as it is contrary to the imperial enactment. Two exchequer jn shall be appointed under the authority of the crown, mainly for financial business. Besides the exchequer judges it is provided that for six years all judges shall be ap pointed as now. We do not reserve for the imperial parliament the power to fix emoluments. These will be fixed in Ireland, and the effect will lie to establish a joint control of these appointments. The month of September is probably the most convenient month for the assembly to meet; therefore a clause provides that it shall meet on the first Tuesday in September. Certain clauses secure the initiative in re gard to money bills to the assembly. "They say what is not true, then. I merely reconnoitred the harbor in a fishing-boat; while of the royalists I know nothing whatever; and we have had no communication with the shore except openly and under a flag of truce." "And I owe this to you. m; friend!" he exclaimed. "ThanlD thank you! And my mother ai sister, they will also thank yen shall be your debtors for life." r Frar [i Bourbon." ! \ I do not presume to arpue the point h vou. treneral. De (lex knows best ing tlio last seven years, been almost entirely mute. I to the period of ISM, when aproiDositiou of t his kind was submitted on the part of the government of the day, and I beg to remind the hou3eof the position then taken up by all the promoters of these measures. We said that we had arrived at a point in our transactions with Ireland where the two road; ported, 'Vou have,' wo said, 'to choose one Dr the other. One is the way of Irish autonomy, according to the conception I have just r- ferred to; the other is the way of coercion. That is our contention.' his heat There was nay question of that—my father would know how to appreciate my motives—and I was again about to give au answer that would probably have provoked a storm, when Mme. Bonaparte interposed. pD;rts wftSi his owu honor. If he might o-nit in sora." memlxrs ought to bo mentioned, therefore he begged them to wait and consult the bill itself, which, ha hoped, would soon be in their Kinds. It would tie remembered that the bill of ltWti laid down flve propo itici.s as cardinal principles, to which lie had endeavored to closely adhere. Change there was, but not a trenchant change, he de clared, from the principles of 18stD. The object of the bill remained as in 1S6C!—to establish a legislative body in Dublin for the Conduct of both legislation and administration in Irish as distinct from imperial "I would ask you to contrast the preaent condition Of the Irish people with whet it was et the time of Swift, when the Irish ascendency parliament begged to be admitted to the British parliament and was refused, or with what it was in the beginning of the century immediately after the anion, when Irish voters were trooped to the polls for the simple purpose of recording their votes in order to return landlords'to parliament.Tl»e Past oiid Present. "Wait until you know how little have done. I merely explained yon case to Madame and Gen. liona It is they whom you must thank " id he has no illusions; he is quite ising yonr offer—for h he ciosired mo to tender you his warmest thanks—he pronounced his om. He asks only one favor— •is sentence may take place withdelay, and that he may bC? hat in rcfi "Well, I only tell you what 1 have heard. How old are you?" "Twenty-one." parte. And then I told him of all that had passed; but when I mentioned Bo; ;i-parts's expedient for saving him fr u death and getting him out of danger I observed with surprise that his countenance, which had been beaming wi; li happiness, became deeply troubled. lie turned abruptly away from me, and, bowing his head, remained silent for several minutes. "You are very young to be a first lieutenant and intrusted with an independent command." "Give Mr. IiiDy time to reflect, Napoleon," the eaid. "I like him all the own C better for hesitating to accept your prop '&als, brilliant as they are. A man who renounces one allegiance lightly may as lightly renounce another. Give me a little time, and see if 1 don't make a good Frenchman of him." !» soldier." "Youth is no more a bar to promotion in our navy than in your army. Nelson was a post-captain at twenty. Sir Sidney Smith at nineteen, and the conqueror of Italy is still under thirty." As to tha t I can Clo nothing- I have li him. Vou can ask liarrns, il He is here. Shall I intro- "We have concluded that we have before us now a difficult state of things. Ireland has on her side the memory of vast victories earned by the sweat of labor, but really earned and recorded in her behalf. Ireland has mighty sympathies. She requires this larger and stronger island. She has obtained the suffrage of Scotland and the suffrage of Wales, and in the short space of seven years she has changed a majority of mora than 200 against her in England to onethira tnatnumDer. ) m I croee him?' affairs. waiting for my answer %r -t  . ': r'"" TW^Mlifl T^fspjR Imperial Unity Preserved. "Millo tonnerrcs! young man, you are indeed audacious to compare yourself with Bonaparte and Nelson." "He owes no allegiance to England. Well, let it be as you say; and I will ask the United States minister to have him Inscribed as an American citizen and provide him with American papers. Then he will only need to send in his When he looked up his fa deathly pale, and there was a gii' his dark ej-es which bespoke intense nervous excitempnt. was turned to a tall oersonatTe ol "The limiting conditions which were ihen observed, and have since, so f,u- as we were uble to do, been sedulously and closely olD served, were these: We were to do nothing inconsistent with imperial unity. 01 t his I will say, whatever our opponents may say, that so far as our convictions and i:i tent ions are concerned they would be but feebly stated by being couched in the declaration that we do .not mean to impair it We wi .h to strengthen it. We wish to givL it greater intensity than it had ever yet possessed. r in in;,' presence, with a hanphty fae, to whom be talked earn • minutes; then he beck rid. after formally introin? us. rejoined his penerals. I was about to protest that nothing was further from my thoughts, when the door opened a second titna, and there entered the room a gracious-looking lady, with a smiling face and dressed in the height of the prevailing fashions. fur a f "This cannot be, my friend," he sail, in a voice which, though it slightly trembled—as well it might, for ho was pronouncing his own doom—showed no signs of irresolution. "This cannot be." :d t '.i m "We are now coming to the important question of the constabulary. We propose a-gradual reduction and the ultimate dissolution or disappearance of that force, with the discharge of every obligation toward them in such a way as will not adversely affect the iutc rt sts of that honorable force. Daring tli^period of transition they will bi under the control of the viceroy, ft is contemplated that they will be replaced by a force owing existence to the Irish authorities in local areas. How to M:ii»use tlie Constabulary resignation. I was goirr' to speak when he stopped mo with an imperious gesture and ob So your friend Gex is too hiirhrve fa the armies of thbtic." said Harras. with a He is ri. o in a hurry and wants minded to "She was stinted in franchise and means of representation. Now she possesses a moat extended franchise, with most perfect protection. Her remaining objectsshe has oft yet attained to, but she looks forward to the attainment of them with more means in her hands. served "Cannot be! What do you mean? i cor "M. Roy, I think," she said, offering me her hand. "You have already made the acquaintance of my husband?" "That is enough! IIow do they treat you at the Abbaye?" "I mean that I cannot aecept my life on these conditions. I cannot in serve the army of the republic." . to I jot. lie really does not deserve "1 have no rt ason to complain." "Are there many prisoners?" "Only six or seven. One of them is under sentence of death." "What is his crime?" h in Ijjen. e; but, you. to meet his views. Oes "First, then, iinpt-ri;il unity is observed, and t ho equality of all is observed; secondly, flie t onality of all the )un«domsC would be borne in mind, and, thirdly, there would Unequitable repartition of imperial charges; fourthly, any and every practicable provision for the protection of minorities would be included. The plan proposed ought to be such as to present the necessary characteristics of a real and continued settle ment. "1 he principle to which we are bound to "Gen. Bonaparte!" I exclaimed, in feigned surprise. ill 1 I will t t ten o'clock to-morrov "Come now, chevalier, this is surely carrying quixotism too far! It is a rascally republic, I'll admit; but it is the de facto government of the country, and soldiers have only one duty—to obey orders and leave politics to politicians."witUin the precincts of the And you may tell him from tin give effect in Ireland is, Ireland has to beat #f*ir share of imperial expenditure. The word 'imperial' is defined in the schedule, which gives the lift of imperial burdens. There are tVree modes in which this fair • hare may bo apportioned. The first met Hod is t he lump sum payment, adopted in 1886. '1 his method, we thought, should disappear naturally from the new bill, for through the retention of Irish representation here Irish members will vote the imperial expenditure. Consequently it would seem strange under these circnmstances to revert to the method of a lump sum. Her Demands Are "You don't think I look like the conqueror of Italy, eh?" said Bonaparte, laughing. in.son "One other source of strength sh« has— the moderation of her demands. She *»— ever since 1886, if not before, but unequivocally and nationally since, abandoned the whole argument that perhaps she was entitled to make on the subject of the act of union. She has asked you to save for yourselves every imperial power. She has consented to accept the house of commons and the universal supremacy of the empire. "In return she has asked you only that she have the management of her own affairs, which reason and justice, combined with the voice of her people, I hope, will soon move this nation to say shall be awarded her. If this is to be the end of the matter, I think dispassionate men would say the sooner ended the better. The sooner we stamp the seal which will efface all our former animosities and open theeraof peace and good will—the sooner done the better. "Liking Franca letter than England!" "You mean that he id a returned emigrant?"that h I lie been a little more patient (•C1 yon to intercede for him e would probably have been -'...n-t term CDf imprisonears' banishment. We [•ninp tCD tnake a distinction be- "On the important subject of the retention of Irj.-ii members in the imperial parliament. 1 do not regard and have never regarded it as touching what me sometimes "culled fine principles of the bill. It is not Included in any one of them, but whether it be a principle or whether it be not there is no question that it is a very weighty and organic detail, which cuts rather deep in some respects iu the composition of the bill. There are strong arguments which may be alleged in defense of the retention of Irish members iu parliament, but there is one argument I must put aside as almost dangerous argument and in itself quite untenable—the argument of tboee who say unless you main the Irish members there is no parliamentary supremacy over Irc- Irit.il .Members at Westminster. "I beg your pardon, general; but that uniform—" r,i n-.,! mm i a s "Is the uniform of the institute, and I am prouder of it than of my uniform of general. Yes, we have made each other's acquaintance, Josephine, and M. le Lieutenant has been giving me a lesson ia the art of war, and, my faith, not a bad one, either." "Yes." "I know all that, and I'm no fanatical royalist. I would willingly serve e. merely rascally republic faute de mieux. But the directory is more than rascally. r a fev "Has he joined the enemiesof Franc*1' Men who intrigue or fight against theii country deserve to die." "In the first place; we have made it a desire to meet what we thought no unreasonable demand for the express mention of the supremacy of the imperial parliament. There were two methods in which that might lDe done. It might be done by clause; it might be done In the preamble. We have chosen the preamble as the worthier anil letter, for if it were.done by clause it would be too much iu the character of a mere en actment. It is not necessary to say many _ivords for such a purpose. Our own Wards are, 'Whereas it is expedient without im pairing or restricting the supreme authority of parliament,' and- then the preamblegoes on to declare the creation of the Irish legislature with reference to the charge frequently with good faith made against us— that we are destroying the act of union. I wish to challenge inquiry upon this fundamental point. emigrants who have fought France and those'who have not (iex belongs to the latter catend would have been the first to v the new regulation. You now why his execution was de- "De Oex has done neither." And then, being asked for further particulars, I told them the chevalier'B story. "It will be the recollection of the house how that contention was most stoutly and largely denied. It was said over and over by many members opposite, 'We are not cocrcioutsts; wn do not adopt that alternative, and neither can we adopt it.' Thai assertion of theirs was undoubtedly sustained by proposals, es]*x-iully from dissentient Liberals, of various plans dealing with Irish affairs. These plans, though they fi-ll entirely short in principle aud in KOpoof Irish self government, yet were ol no trivial or mean Importance. They went far beyond what had heretofore beeu usually propoC. C1 intho way of local self government for Ireland. GLADSTONE SPEARING IN TFIE HOUSE It is composed of assassins and terrorist whose hands are imbued vvit'b "And you are reallyjhe son of my old friend, Gabrielle de Lnunay! She wa± vitoor tnree years my senior, out i remember her welL Where is she now?"' asked Madame Bonaparte. innocent blood. Every one of thtia voted for the death of Louis LYi. Bnrras, their chief, was also a loader in the Terror. A man can die but once, my friend; and I would rather die a hundred times than own as r- "Anot her method is what may simply be described as the method of a quota—that is to say, that Ireland shall pay 0 per cent or 5 per cent or 4 per cent or what you please of the imperial expenditure, which shall be taken out of the common fund. She will be debited to that extent and will have to pay it over from her account to ours. If you tax the quota, and the quota be absolutely elastic, should the imperial expenditure swell, the principal of the quota would still secure the relative share to be contributed by Ireland. "This law against returned emigrants is infamous," exclaimed Mme. Bonaparte, warmly. "It is a relic of the Terror. It ought to be abolished. You must save this poor man, Napoleon. Think of hi§ mother and sister. How much they must suffer!" surely, citizen director, you will rij.sh him fCir another's fault? 1 m to blame. It was I who apo (Jen. Bonaparte." rill not be punished for another's aio "With my father, in the neighborhood of London." men who murdered my king." tors the pea!C "London! One forgets things in so many years, but I was under the impression that Mademoiselle de Launay married a gentleman from Louisiana— or was it Virginia?" "You are right. It is infamous. But What can I do? I don't make the laws. I am not a member of the directory. Though Bourrienne is my personal friend and my secretary, I cannot get his name removed from the list of emigrants."This was a view of the case wh: not occurred to me, and against i had s n lrisoil to serre; and the man v.bo will not for h5s country I!eh "1 entirely decline to admit that argument. I say that if you do admit it at e stroke you shatter parliamentary supremacy in this country. Although I do not at all admit that parliamentary supremacy de pends upon the retention of Irish members, I yet quite admit that the retention ol members has great practical importance because it visibly exhibits that supremacy in a manner Uitullicible to th#D ueonln Upsides, it gives Ireland a voice, and a full voice, in all imperial matters. It has this advantage—we cannot in our financial arrangement get rid of all financial conueo- land. "But these are matters which human vision is hardly equal to penetrating. I must say, however, for my own part, that I never will and never can be a party to bequeathing to my country the continuance of this heritage of discord which has been handed down from generation to generation, with hardly momentary interruption, through seven centuries—this heritage of discord, with all the evils that follow in its train. I wish no part nor lot in that process. It would be misery for me if I lmD foregone or omitted in these closing years of my life any measure it was possible for me to take toward upholding and promoting the cause which I believe to "be the tsause not of party or one nation, but of all parties and all nations. I had nothing to urge. I felt that JJh chevalier was taking the only eourn open to a man of his principles; ly4|S @ I: r\ t % l\ %lS'' E \ ?jp4. iM "But there is a third method—which one we adopt—that of deducting from the Irish revenues the amount due to England. There is one of these revenues to which the greatest difficulty adheres. When explaining the subject fn 1886,1 pointed out that there was a large revenue locally received in Ireland; but really belonging to Great Britain. The principal part of that revenue was within the excise department. With the advantage of the consideration which the inland revenue department has had since the former plan was produced, we get rid of the difficulty altogether as far as the inland revenue is concerned. "My father, like myself, madame, is a native of Virginia." though, as I frankly told him, I deplored his decision, I honored him for his loyalty and courage. "Well, what bus been the result of the dilemma us it was then put forward on this side of the house and repelled by the other? lias or.r contentlou t lint the choice lay between autonomy and coercion been justified "You are Americans, then?" interposed Bonaparte. "All the same they let Bourrienne alone. Could you not give De Gex also a post about your person?—make him one of your aides, for instance?" Nevertheless, I refused to abandon hope. "What is the essence of the act of union'' That essence is to 1m? appreciated by comparing the constitution of things found in the country before 1800 with the constitution of things now subsisting in Kngland. 1*»efor« 19*1 we had two sovereignties in the country. One of these was collective!) lodged in the king, the houses of lords and commons of Knglnn 1, and the other lodged in the king and houses of lords and commons of Ireland. There was no more right in a true historical and legal sense in the sovereignty residing in Great Britain to interfere with the sovereignty of Ireland than there was of the sovereignty of Ireland to interfere with the sovereignly of Kngland. "Of course, just as people born in France are Europeans. But we always call ourselves Virginians." "I shall feee Bohaparte again," I said, "and try to prevail on him to release you without conditions." or not "What would the Jacobins say if I were to appoint as my aide-de-camp a returned emigrant? What would the army Kay? No, that must not be, Josephine. This De Gex is your friend, M. Roy?" Wlicre Are T1hD Schemes Now? "What has become of each and all of those imjkirtant schemes forgiving Ireland self f-°"-'eminent j„ provinces, and givin t her even a central establishment in Dublin with limited powers!" All vanished into thin air, but the reality remained. The two roads were still there—autonomy or coer- "flow comes it that you, a native of the United States, are an officer of the British navy?" De Gex shook his head. "It is out of Bonaparte's power." ho said. "If he cannot get his own secretary's name removed from the list of emigrants, how can he get mine? Moreover, I don't think that he even would if he could. My refusal to serve in the army of Italy will vex him. Yet there is one boon which you may induce him to obtain for me—that I may be sho. instead of being guillotined, and as soon as possible put out of my misery." "1 belong to an old royalist family, general. Loyalty runs in our blood. My father's grandfather, who commanded a regiment of horse at Mars ton Moor, • went to Virginia after the execution of King Charles, and settled there. When the revolutionary war broke out, my father, though he disapproved of many of the teeasures of the home govern tion between the two countries unless you are prepared to face a very inexpedient and inconvenient system of different sets of treaties and trade laws. "To these nations, viewing them as I do with their vast opportunities under a living union for power and happiness, to these nations, I say, let me entreat you—if it were my latest breath I would so entreat yon— let the dead bury their dead and cast behind you forever recollections of bygone evils; cherish love and sustain one another through all vicissitudes of human affairs in tiroes that are to come." "As much as a man can be whom one has known only twenty-four hours. But he is a brave gentleman, and 1 would do a great deal to save his life." ciou i he choice lay between them, and the choice mmie was to repel autonomy and embrace eorrcton, You cannot always follow coercion in im absolutely uniform method. In 18*0 for the first time coerciou was imposed on Ireland in the sha;« of a permanent law added to the statute book. "That being so, it must be that British budgets will mote or less influence Irish pecuniary balances. It is therefore desirable for the purpose of mitigating any incon veiiiijnce which might thence arise that Ireland should have something to say about these British budgets. I know no argument of an abstract, theoretical or constitutional character against the retention of Irish members at "Westminster; but, to revert to an old expression which has become rather familiar. I do not think it is in the wit of man to .devise a plan for their retention wliich will riot be opt n to some st rious practical difficulties. Retention involves two points— first, as to numbers, and, second, as to voting power. Xow, as to the first question—that of numbers—is Ireland to be fully represented in the house? Well, probably the feeling will be in favor of the affirmative. Then arises another difficulty —what is full representation for Ireland? In 1884 the house treated Ireland in a wise and liberal spirit by assigning 103 members to that country. That number then beyond what, according to thecal.'-ilotions of population in this country, Ireland was entitled to, and it is claimed that unhappily the disparity has since been ugyravated by a double process. Ireland to llure Her Own Revenues. "We provide that revenue levied in Ireland shall be revenue really belonging to Ireland—that is, revenue from goods consumed in Ireland. It is not so with the customs. With the customs there is a large debt from Ireland to this country. It is not so large as is involved in the case of excise, but still it comes up to several hundreds of thousands. If we adopted the method of a quota, we should expose Irish finance to large and inconvenient shocks from changes i t reduced in English budgets. Iniperir I reasons also would perhaps make it necessary for us to do what we are, I think, very unwilling to do—namely, tc give imperial officers a meddling and intei vening power in relation to Irish fiscal "Well, I think there is a way. The directory both hate and fear me, and thwart me when they dare. If I were to ask for this man's life they would probably put me off until the next day, and execute him in the meantime. But he is, fortunately, a soldier. He was a captain in the regiment of Languedoc, you say. lie shall have a commission in the ninety-seventh of the line, now in Italy. We can easily get him of the Abbaye,—the production of his commission and my order will be enough— and once with the army he is safe—al- always provided, of course, that your friend will serve." titpjlnj; American LC-gI»lution. "This bill respects and maintains these rights of sovereignty equally throughout the entire range of the three kingdoms. Then the bill constitutes the Irish legislature. I'ower is granted tot lie Irish legislature, which consists, of all, of a legislative council; secondly, of a legislative assembly empowered to make laws for peace, order and the good government of Ireland in respect to matters exclusively relating to Ireland or to a part thereof. The Aiwer is subject to a double limitation. First of all, It is sub ect to necessary and obvious limitations incapacities on the Irish tiacjiameut, including all that relates to the crown, a regency or the vice royalty. I was so much distressed by the turn things had taken that I could scarcely speak. I took both the chevalier's ha n(ls in mine and assured him that even yet I could not believe the worst would happen, but that if I failed in my final effort to save his life I would certainly mention his request to Bonaparte, and in any case would see him again on the morrow. Then I went sorrowful away. "This state of things constituted an of fending against the harmoDy and tradi t ions of self government. It was a distinct and violent breach of the promise on the J)E GEX SHALL III: SHOT. Seth Prime's Wooing. ne degree better than tlie man i tights against her. Besidcs.I always D my promise, and I have promised face of which union was obtained. That permanent system of repression inflicted upon the country a state of things which could not continue to exist. It was impossible to bring t he inhabitants of the country under coercion into sympathy with the coercing power.' t I)C G'X »ha(l b •e th 'ivinir delivered this pnrtinsr shot. raD left me to ruv thoughts, and was tlj engaged in a lively conversa:i Mme. and Gen. Iionaparte. thoughts, as may be supposed, presi tien When I returned to the governor's apartments I found Citizens Laclu.se and Carmine (who was an old soldier) fighting their battles over again with the help of a bottle of Burgundy. Citizeness Julie sat in a corner, busied with her knitting and looking very thoughtful. My conscience smote me, for until that moment I had completely forgotten her. Mr. Gltdstone proceeded to dilate V length ujion the circumstances under which the act of uuion was passed, the promise of equality in the ltnvs and of commercial equality under which uuion was effected. It was then confidently predicted, he said, that Irishmen \yould take their places In the cabinet of the' United Kingdom, but it had been his honored destiny to sit in cabinets with no less than 00 to TOstatesmen, of whom only one, the Duke of Wellington, 'was an Irishman, while Castlereagh was the only other Irishman who had sat in the cabinet since union. Pitt promised equal laws when the uuion was formed, but the broken promises made to Ireland were unhappily written in indelible characters in the history of il:e country. affairs. wen play none of the pleusantest. I hat! "The third plan is to appropriate a particular fund, so that this fund shall be taken by u.s ivnd shall stand in acquittal of all oblige ions of Ireland for imperial services. This fund Will sweep awav all the difficult i s of calculation and intervention which might belong to the quota method. "Why should he not?* He is a soldier by profession, and a great admirer of yours, general." ' d my fame badly. Instead of saving the chevalier's life I had lost it "The subjects of pence and war, public defence, treaties and foreign relat ions, dignities, titles, law, treason, do not belong to the IrHi legislature. 1 he law of alienage does net. belong to it, nor everything that belongs to external trade, the coinage and other subsidiary subjects. Other incapacities are imposed similar to those contained in the bill of lsWS. These provide for the security of religious freedom, the safeguard ing of education and for the security of personal freedom, in which we endeavored to borrow one of the modern amendments to the American constitution. "Then, coming to exclusive powers, we retain the viceroyalty of Ireland, but we divest it of the party character hitherto borne by making the appointment run six years, subject to theTevoking power of the crown. Then also the post is freed from all religious disability. Uad I not meddled , in the matter, his reluctance to serve would never have been known and they would have released him in a few days—if Hurras spoke the truth: which. however, I took leave to doubt. "Cost bien! But you have no idea what these royalists are. Some of them are so stupid that they would not serve the republic even to save their lives. Ah! hero comes Lacluse." "I'll drop in and see the widder a minute.""Then we have tlie fund practically in our hands in the management of the customs revenue of Ireland, which must be British. Consequently we shall lie receivers of a fund which will never go near the Irish exchequer. If it be deemed n fair and convenient arrangement, there can be no question of handing it backward and forward. We should keep it and give Ireland a receipt in full instead of coming upon her for heavy payments from year to year. Then, next, t he custom fund would be very nearly the right amount. I do uot know what the house might consider the right amount. Judg menis might fluctuate. Some might say 4 percent, some 5 per cent, some a little more than 5 per cent, but the amount is this— £2,430,Ot*} yearly, gross. Sixty thousand pounds allowed for collection leaves £2,870,- 000 net. "So you are going to leave us," she said, reproachfully, as I took a seat near her. "Are you glad?" I be; :?:;n also to think, despite what De fjfta had said, that Bonaparte could easily have obtained the chevalier's release without resorting to a subterfuge, and that even now he might save him by a word. Hut another appeal would •»n!y have provoked another rebuff And I had no chance of making one; he studiously avoided me, so did Mine. Eonapart*. and, perceiving that I was Do longer a welcome guest, I quietly w th- WITH KAPOLEOIT. "For me," I said. "He promised to return in an hour." "The population of Great Britain has increased, while that of Ireland lias diminished anil has now reached a point that whereas, formerly entitled to 103 members, it would, according to the same ratio, now have 80. There ought to be a general determination to interpret, full representation as meaning representation according to the existing population. Speaking of full representation, then, 1 imply that the representation in the house from Ireland would be composed of 80 Irish gentlemen. Of course it follows that there would have to be au election. These 80 members from Ireland in the house wquld probably be indisposed to recognize a commission given to 103 members, so when it had been determined that 80 was t he proper number we endeavored to arrange the schedule of the bill in such a manner that this imperial representation would practically not clash with representation in the legislature at Dublin. ment, remained true to his principles and loyal to his king. But as he could not bring himself to fight against his friends and neighbors, and was moreover getting into years, he went to England, and when I was old enough put me into the navy." "But you must not go back to the Abbaye, M. Roy. How can I keep my word and make a Frenchman of you?" observed Mmc. Bonaparte. "I am glad to be free, of course, but sorry to leave you, mademoiselle, all the more so as I have toCfharUD you for being the means of obtaining my release. But we shall meet again—often, I hope. For the present, at least, I remain in Paris." Coming to 1KU, when the resurrection of the people I Cari, and thence down to 1S80, Ireland conM present here only a small minority in favor of restoring to her something in thi! .'.atutiiof constitutional rights and practical self government. "I am afraid I must. Capt. Lacluse undertook to see me safely back, and I gave my word to return with him." "So that is your story, M. Roy," said the future empress. "How could any one with such a name be other than a royalist? We must call you 'Roy, the Royalist,' I think. And now you are a prisoner of war, which you doubtless regard as a great misfortune." "That can easily be arranged," said Bonaparte. "Write an order for M. Roy's discharge, Lacluse, and I will "This'll be a good joke onto old Sefh Prime." "And then? Ah, monsieur, it is very hard to make friends only to lose them." she murmured, tearfully. "I thought the letter I took to Mme. Bonaparte concerned only Citizen Gex. If I had known what would be the result, I don't think I would have taken it." [TO BE CONTINUED.] te In the Minority. How Power Is to lie Divided "Waal, I swan! I must hey staiix* . ng time in there."—Electric Spark. Hi* Criticism. Tharles Lamb's dear old bookish friend, rge Dyer, could never be got to say ill word, even of the vilest miscreant. Come, now, George," said Lamb  on teasing intent, "what do yon say Williams?" (Williams was the Rat- 'IIVul A Cutting Remark t D me astonishing,*' he continued, "Then comes a clause which may lie considered formal, a';hou;,h it is of great importance, providing for the full devolution of executive power from the sovereign upon the viceroy. Then comes an important provision for the appointment of an executive committee of the privy council of Ireland. We propose tomakethisan executive council—for the ordinary affairs the cabinet of the viceroy. The question arises, Shall there be any legislative council? All decided that there ought to be such a council. It has appeared to us to be highly inconvenient to alter the numbers of the legis lative assembly. If we were to increase the number, we do not know what the increase ought to be. If we were to reduce it, w&run serious risks of causing practical inconvenience in Dublin, especially at the time when the functions of internal government come to lDe newly exercised, and when probably there will be a great deal to do. We therefore lei ve the number at 103, and we fix the term i t five years. We leave the constituency as it is row." AC jo man, with a son whose 'thai ; D iHili" weight is attached by many iD t he fac-l tii ;t before 1880—before 1885 iu. (sforhiMgovernment were !.v by a small minority. Since wide extension of Che fran- "Not so great as I deemed it a little while ago, madame." mus :'l V are just Ix-gin- ieeil—ii-i&li "With the imperial expenditure at £59,- 000,000, £2,370,000 is a sum that drops between a charge of 4 per cent and a charge of a per cent. The Irish nDmbers will observe that by that means everything of a practical nature we will hand over to them. Though the rates of excise and the post and telegraph rates will be a fix$d amount, the authority and the whole control over them will be absolutely in the hands of Irish officers. The fund plan falls short of the exactitude of the quota plan. The latter method meets every exigency of peace and war, but this plau is not quite so exact. i fcing to r rt tlu in Ives, was trying to f tlio other evening. His that occasion was so forci- ■)ted « "How so?" The chevalier was It w;is quite clear that it was not him she eared about. Yet though her preference war, flattering it was also embarrassing, and when Carmine put an end to our colloquy by asking me to tal;e a glass of wine with him I felt decidedly reliev^l. shave lnnsn. Tile as chise v. as protected by a secret ballot, Ireland's position has been improved. In 1S86 there were 83 Nationalists, or more than Cve-sixtlis. They have been reduced from 85 to «0 under circumstances somewhat peculiar, and I must frankly own to myself, aniouK others, for reasons totally and absolutely unintelligible. 0, wbc n t "If I had not been taken prisoner I should not have had the pleasure of. Beeing my mother's old friend, nor the honor of an Interview with the greatest general of the age." attention IIcllo i C)j inquired the rbanceV" youth To IXegnlute tlic Voting, Conft this razor!" was the reply, k\s ho (lull that it pulls things out by the roots." "Now comes the greater difficult y. What voting power are these 80 members to have? Ireland is to represented here fully. That is my first postulate. My second postulate is that Ireland is,to be rested with separate powers, subject 110 doubt to imperial an thority, yet still, a,s we must froxa experience practically separate a certain independent power, us has been done in other legislatures of the empire, Ireland is to be endowed with separate powers over Irish affairs. Then the question before us is: "Is she or is she not to'vote so strongly upon matters purely llritish? Bonaparte seemed pleased. Mme. Bonaparte smiled, and said: After leaving the prison wo went to Lacluse'a quarters, where I was provided with a comfortable bedroom next his own. In the evening we supped at a restaurant in the Palais Royal, u?nl then betook ourselves to the Rue C]e lu 111},' nggegtcd the boy, pro "Let us look ttt the state of the case as it now stands. There are but 80 out of 101— that in to say, the wishes of Ireland for self government ill Irish matters are only represented by four-fifths. Honorable gentlemen seem to have 110 respect for such a majority as that. Do they recollect, sir, that never in England has there been such a majority)' No parliament of the last 50 years has come within measurable distance of it. If there be anything in the great principle of self government, which, if it be a reality, never can work except through the machinery and by the laws of representation, at any rate the voice of the Irish people, the persistence of the Irish people in delivering that voice and the peacefrtl constitutional circumstances under which it has been delivered constitute a great fact in history. "And I should not have had the pleasure of seeing you. When you see your mother, say how glad I am to have news of fier, and give her my amities." dr.i' itjg Ids steel The fatlior looked at tbe son's downy •rlet iu his hand, id, with gentle pity, 3Iay Trust to Jri*h Patriotism. My bo' fact iTlil at "Questions may arise such as. Are we assured we shall obtain from Ireland a fair share of assistance in a great imperial emergency? I myself am bound to say that I think there is very little to fear from trusting the patriotism and lilDerality of the Irish legislature. Stinginess was never a vice of the Irish people, and if we look forward very much 1 am afraid her suffering will be due to generous extravagance, rather than to meanness. When we come to a state of war, we have to look to several sources—customs, exercise and income tax. With regard to customs, we propose to leave them in our hands, so that there can be no difficulty in adapting contributions so far as customs are concerned. With regard to excise, we have in view a proposition to retain considerable control in our bands, which considerable power will enabV Great Uritain to make sure of having aid from Ireland if she thinks such provision necessary. GeCD av da ot ,  cliff highway murderer—the Jack the Ripper of his day—celebrated in De Qtiincey's "Murder as a Fine Art.") "Well, Mr. Lamb," replied Dyer, "I must admit he was somewhat of an eccentric character."—Argonaut. "With pleasure, madame; and if you would enable me to see her by using your influence to obtain my exchange you would confer a great favor on us both." it av. a I want something that's Victolre, in fulfillment of my promise to Mmc. Bonaparte, and in the hope that I might have an opportunity of speaking to the general about De (lex-. Two or three carriages were at the door, and in the salon we found several officers in uniform, among whom Lacluse pointed out Lnnnes, Munit, Berthier and Kleber. Bonaparte wore his general's uni- accustomed to cutting whiskers, —De- troit I o Pr "So! You are tired.of France already?" «aid Bonaparte, rather harshly, as I thought. BAT DOWX AT A WHXTrXG TABLE, PlHgenei, a Tragedy In Two Acts. Next, as to the lej-istntive council, Mr. Gladstone said he did: ' t It ink they would have been warranted without some st rong necessity in establishing the system of a single chamber, but in Ireland, he added, far from finding any such necessity, we look to the legislative council as enabling lis to meet the expectation that we shall give to the minority some means of freer and fuller consideration of its views. "I propose this question in the true parliamentary form—aye or no. There are reasons both ways. We cannot cut them off in a manner perfectly clean and clear from these questions. We cannot find an absolutely accurate line of cleavage between questions that are imperial questions and those that are Irish questions. Unless the Irish members are allowed to vote on all Uritish questions they must have too little or too much, because there are question which defy our efforts to arrange them wij,h accuracy and precision on the proper side of the line as either English or Irish. We do not see the possibility of excluding them from one of the highest and most important functions of the house—namely, that of determining the composition of the executive sign it. Yon can find him accommodations at your quarters?" "Certainly, general." Arii tarchus (seeing. Diogenes nosing around with a —All, there, old boy, what tire yon doing with that lantern? Diti 'CTies (stoically)—Looking for an "I am tired of inactivity, and one does not see much of France in the Abbaye."And with that the aide-de-camp sat down at a writing-table and scribbled a few hues, which Bonaparte signed. hones The Ideal "You like active service?" "Of course." form, which, as I thought, became him much better than that of the Institute. Though physically the smallest man io the room, he had beyond ail compale mat: ACT II "Now, for example," said Miaa Wellalong, twirling a corkscrew ringlet in her fingers, "there is my Cousin Penelope's little girl Fanny. Think of itt Reading Plato and only 11 years oldt It is so strange and yet so charming—don't yon think so, Mr. Hankinson?—to see an old head on young shoulders!" "But yours is the wr&ng service. It is not tor these English] who wronged yomr country and wou d crush ours, that a man born of an A nerican father and a French mother should be fighting. Listen! I am not the government of France, but I have influence, and those whom I protect are sure to rise. The French navy has peed of men who don't count odds, even though they are two hundred against twenty. That was a glorious exploit of yours at Havre the other day. I can admire great qualities even in an enemy. But why be an enemy? Join our navy. You shall be made full captain at once and have the finest frigate we possess. In three years you will be an admiral and sweep the flag of England from the sea, and your name shall live in history. You say that loyalty runs in your blood. It is well* I like men who are loyal; while as for royalty, the republic is a farce, the directory is com~ of villains and fools and the day distant when France will have a master and king, srl" "Allons!" Raid Lacluse, as he put the paper in j?Js sabretache. "Will you accompany me, M. Roy?" Time—Four hours later Ariet ;s Ci etiug Diogenes withloo! Have you found Ireland Ki-nntic.l the most powerful face, hi looking at him one quite forgot that he was little; and the group of generals to whom be was speaking with characteristic energy him with marked deference."It is said—and I admit with truth—that Ireland is not a united country. I don't deny that the division which exists is a fact of.great, moment. In truth, were Ireland united, anything that can render Ireland formidable would become much more formidable. Were Ireland united all opposition would vanish as a shadow. "The next thing is, Shall the legislative council lDe nominated or elected? We come to the conclusion that a nominated council would be a weak council. If it should be made weak, the council would probably enjoy a very short term of existence. We therefore proposed an elective council, believing it to be the only form wherein we can give any great force to the vitality of the institution. "Of course I must keep my word with Carmine; and I have to see De Oex and get my things." your honest i rathfull -No; I'm lookni of ii gun that stole uay ing tor lantern "I shall hope to see you again this evening," said Mme. Bonaparte, kindly, as we took our leave. "M. de Gex ought to be very grateful to you for so ably advocating his cause." ,v York bun ' The Irish balance sheet stands thus: On the credit side would appear excise, £3,220,- (XKt, while local taxation, which covers stumps, income tax, excise licenses, which "Y-yee," said Hankinson rather dubiously and moving his chair a little farther away.—Chicago Tribune. Mmo. Bonaparte beckoned me to hoi "I am (flail you are come," ; "\oa have seen this poor M. Dc C/r\'J A Comforting .\»HuranCe, m sure you love me just as IDo\ver le said "Ar much a 4 ever?" was t roTHmmlv! 1 original question i. t V on tho first "Ireland is not united in this sense, that in one portion of the country not a mere majority of the higher classes, but a considerable popular feeling, is opposed to the present national movement, I will not attempt to measure this numerical strength of the minority. It is said by the party op positn that the minority in the north ol Ireland is arrayed in unalterable opposition to home rule. Unhappily, at the successful instigation of those whose plot it w.is to divide the people of Ireland when they were united at the close of the last century, through the. medium mainly of Qranno lodges and through religious animosity, there was an alteration of feeling, but t lit Protestants of Ireland during the period ol the independent Irish parliament were themselves not only willing but zealous and enthusiastic supportersof Irish nationality. "A vote of confidence isa simple declaration, but may be otherwise. I do not se« how it is possible to exclude Irish member* from voting on that great subject. Next, unless Irish members vote on all questions, you break the parliamentary tradition. The presence of 80 members with only limited powers of vot ing is a serious breach of that tradition, which, whether you resolve to face it or not, ought to be made the subject of most careful consideration. "Nay, madame, it is to you and the general that his gratitude is due; for it is to you that he will owe his life, and I thank you with all my heart for your kindness to him and to me." "Yes, madame." "And left him happy. I suppose?"' "As happy as a man can be who e r«. I "Well, then, how do we differentiate this council from that popular assembly? We propose to fix the number at 48, with an eight years' term of office, the term of the popular assembly bting the lesser. We then constitute a new constituency, The council constituency must in the first place be associated with a.ratable va'ti of £20 w hereby to secure an aggregate con stituency approaching 170,(XX) persons, in eluding owners as well us occupiers, but subject to a provision that no owner or occupier has a vote in more than one constituency.Two t'nconquerable. tiveruary of her marriage. More." t ame the confident response Chauncey Depew met his old college professor of languages the other day, and wishing to say something pleasant remarked: peets to die." Tnil "lie thanks you warmly for your kindness, madame, and though he would gladly serre under your glorious husband. regrets deeply that his principles will not permit him to accept a commission from the director}'; though lie knows, of course, that his refusal is likely to cost him his life." "You surely don't mean do vou know von do, dear?" "I understand, professor, that you have mastered all the known tongue#." CHAPTER V. "Oil, when you are Hilly and unreasonable I don't mind it half so much as I did at first."—Detroit Tribune. When Got. Carmine read the ordei for my release he shrugged his shouldera and smiled dubiously. "No, you are mistaken. I haven't mastered two—my wife's and her mother's." —Detroit Free Press. "Now come the reasons against the universal voting power. It is difficult to say, 'Everything on'that side Irish; everything on this side imperial.' That, I think, you cannot do. If you ask me for a proportion, I say nine-tenths, nineteen-twentieths, perhaps ninety-nine oue-hundreths of the business of parliament can without difficulty Ik* classed as Irish or imperial. It would be, however, a great anomaly if these 80 Irish members should come here continually to intervene in questions purely and absolutetv HHt'sh "My faith, citizen captain, but this is highly irregular!" he exclaimed. "Since when litis Gen. Bonaparte become a minister of justice or a member of the directory? However, as he take9 all the responsibility and is one of the glories of France, and it concerns only a prisoner of war, I think I may comply with his request. You are free, Citizen I wiLl direct one of tha A OlorlousVictory Lawvt That was a great victory of i'ng that man convicted and The Girl With Many Brother*. mine in hanged. Lavm Providing Against n Deadlock Brother (from the country)—How la this, Liesel? Yon are afraid of asking leave to go out this afternoon, when I, your only brother, hare come to pay you a visit. Mine. Bonaparte appeared to be much "Then there is no provision in the bill making the legislative council alterable by Irish acts. Regarding the legislative assembly, these 1(13 memixtrs must be elected for Irish legislative business by constituencies in Ireland. We make these provisions in regard to the assembly alterable in re- hurt. But everybody says the man Your "This comes of trying to pie," she sai'l, bitterly. "It is not less than an insult. These royalists art too stupid for anything, Bonaparte will be very arurrv." ve pc t's just if. That's why "Inasmuch as their political life was at that period more highly developed they led on the Koman Catholic population in the political movement which distinguished All this was spoken so rapidly and imperiously and with so much fire and •oimatisi* as nearly to Jake my breath i m so t of it. If the man was inno- PARLIAMENT nOVSE, Servant Girl—Well, you see, Hans, X have had so many brothers calling toss# me lately.—RauDel. ...... D inn' ii the more glorious my vic Boston Trail scriut. are JEl ,495,000; postal revenue, £740,000; crown lands, £65,000; miscellaneous, £140,- 000— making a total of £5,600,000. Ou the tory, don't you sec